Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus, Capitoline Museums, Rome

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus

Fragmentary statue of Aphrodite, type of the “Esquiline Venus”. Roman copy of the Imperial Era (2nd century CE) after an Hellenistic Venus Anadyomenes.

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus
Artist	Anon.
Year	c.50
Type	White marble
Location	Capitoline Museums[1], Rome

The Esquiline Venus, depicting the goddess Venus (i.e. Greek Aphrodite), is a smaller-than-life-size Roman nude marble sculpture of a female in a sandal and diadem headdress. It is widely viewed as a 1st-century AD Roman copy of a Greek original from the 1st century BC. It is also a possible depiction of the Ptolemaic rulerCleopatra VII.

The sculpture is thought to have been based on an original Hellenistic statue from the Ptolemaic Kingdom. It possibly depicts Venus-Isis, a conflation of Venus with the goddess Isis. The copy was likely commissioned by emperor Claudius to decorate the Horti Lamiani. ^[2] The vase depicted next to the female figure includes an asp or uraeus, depictions of the Egyptian cobra.^[3]

History

The Esquiline Venus was found in 1874 in Piazza Dante on the Esquiline Hill in Rome,^[1] probably part of the site of the Horti Lamiani,^[4] one of the imperial gardens, rich archaeological sources of classical sculpture. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the thirteen Medici Niobids, a variant of the Laocoön and his Sons, the bust of Commodus with the attributes of Hercules, and the Discobolus had already been found here. After 1870 intensive building work was ongoing at the site, as part of preparations to make Rome the new capital of the Kingdom of Italy, following the Italian unification.^[5] The newly found sculpture soon passed into the collection of the Capitoline Museums,^[6] where it now resides, and is usually on display at its Museo Centrale Montemartini.^[7]

In style the Esquiline Venus is an example of the Pasitelean « eclectic » Neo-Atticschool, combining elements from a variety of other previous schools – a Praxiteleanidea of the nude female form; a face, muscular torso, and small high breasts in the fifth-century BC severe style; and pressed-together thighs typical of Hellenisticsculptures.^[8] Its arms must have broken off when the statue fell after the imperial park in which it stood fell into neglect after antiquity. They have been frequently restored in paintings (see below), but never in reality.

Subject

A Sculptor’s Model, by Alma-Tadema, 1877

The statue’s subject has variously been interpreted, as the Roman goddess Venus (possibly in the form Venus Anadyomene), as a nude mortal female bather, a female version of the diadumenos tying up the hair with a fillet (see below). The Esquiline Venus is generally thought to be a mid-1st-century AD Roman copy of a 1st-century BC Greek original from the school of Pasiteles.^[1] Its provenance has been characterized both as a Ptolemaic-Egyptian commission or as a copy of one, perhaps a copy commissioned by Claudius himself for the imperial gardens. This identification is based on the statue’s Egyptian-style robe, descending over a vase, the asp or uraeus Egyptian cobra on the vase, and curly hair; if correct, these features could make it a cult statue of the goddess Isis, or an image (perhaps that set up by Julius Caesar) of Cleopatra VII as Isis or Venus-Isis (the two were frequently conflated). This view is backed by the Italian philologist Licinio Glori in 1955. Or she could be a copy of the statue of Cleopatra set up by Caesar in the temple of Venus Genetrix, a view supported by Bernard Andreae.^[9] In addition to hairstyle and facial features, the apparent royal diadem worn over the head is also an indication that it depicts Cleopatra.^[10][1]Detractors of this theory argue that the facial features on the Berlin bust and coinage of Cleopatra differ and assert that it was unlikely she would be depicted as the naked goddess Venus (i.e. the Greek Aphrodite).^[10][1] However, she was depicted in an Egyptian statue as the goddess Isis.^[11]

In modern art

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus

« Diadumene », by Poynter

The sculpture inspired many artistic reconstructions in the decade after its discovery. Chief among these are Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema‘s A Sculptor’s Model (1877) and Edward Poynter‘s Diadumene (1884).^[12] These both portrayed the statue’s model binding her hair with a strip of fabric (as with the statue type diadumenos) in preparation for modelling for the sculptor or for taking a bath respectively. Poynter believed this to be the correct reconstruction partly because the remains of the little finger of her left hand are visible on the back of her head, suggesting that her left arm was raised to hold her hair in place, whilst the right hand wound the fabric. At the Museo Centrale Montemartini, the Esquiline Venus is now usually displayed behind a ‘pool’ (actually a glass floor panel) in tribute to this rendering.

Giacobbe Giusti, Esquiline Venus

Another torso of this type (Louvre)^[13]

Exhibitions

From December 2006 to February 4, 2007 the sculpture was the centrepiece of the exhibition « Cleopatra and the Caesars » at the Bucerius Kunst Forum at Hamburg,^[14]following which, from March to June 2007, she was at the Louvre for the Praxiteles exhibition.

Notes

1. ^ Jump up to:^{a b c d e} Roller, Duane W. (2010). Cleopatra: a biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195365535, p. 175.
2. Jump up^ For bibliography on this point, see here.
3. Jump up^ For bibliography on this point, see here.
4. Jump up^ « The identification is attractive, but not certain, according to Lawrence Richardson, A new Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, s.v. « Horti Lamiani ».
5. Jump up^ The Boxer of Quirinal was discovered in similar circumstances in 1885.
6. Jump up^ Accession number: inv. MC1141
7. Jump up^ Musei Capitolini: Museo Montemartini
8. Jump up^ Robinson: « the Esquiline Venus is an anomalous work, for while the body is modelled with a voluptuousness that almost oversteps the line dividing the nude from the naked, the head is treated with archaic severity, in the style of the first half of the fifth century », quoted in Edmund von Mach, A Handbook of Greek and Roman Sculpture 1905, plate 318 and p 348f.
9. Jump up^ For bibliography on this point, see here.
10. ^ Jump up to:^a b Polo, Francisco Pina (2013). « The Great Seducer: Cleopatra, Queen and Sex Symbol » in Silke Knippschild and Marta Garcia Morcillo (eds), Seduction and Power: Antiquity in the Visual and Performing Arts, 183-197. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-44119-065-9, pp. 186, 194 footnote #10.
11. Jump up^ Ashton, Sally-Ann (2008). Cleopatra and Egypt. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-1390-8, p. 83.
12. Jump up^ Poynter worked from the cast of the original in the Sculpture Court of the Victoria and Albert Museum, according to the reviewer in Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, « The Decline of Art: the Royal Academy and Grosvenor Gallery », July 1885, in an extended justification of nudity in art: « Slightly, however, he has seen fit to modify the head: archaic curls are relaxed into flowing locks, and severe features relent into society smiles » (p. 13).
13. Jump up^ Later, 2nd century Parian marble torso of this type, from Brindisi [1]
14. Jump up^ Bucerius Kunst Forum

References

• Mary Beard, ‘Archaeology and Collecting in late-nineteenth century Rome’, from exhibition catalogue to the Royal Academy exhibition « Ancient Art to Post-Impressionism – Masterpieces from the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen »
• Charles Waldstein, ‘Pasiteles and Arkesilaos, the Venus Genetrix and the Venus of the Esquiline’, The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts, Vol. 3, No. 1/2 (Jun., 1887), pp. 1–13

Cleopatra?

• Das Gesicht der Göttin., 16.10.2006, Der Spiegel. Hamburg 2006, 42, S. 181
• Berthold Seewald, So sah Kleopatra wirklich aus, Die Welt, 26 October 2006 (in German)[2]
• Bernard Andreae, Dorothea Gall, Günter Grimm, Heinz Heinen et al., « Kleopatra und die Caesaren », hrsg. von Ortrud Westheider, Karsten Müller (2006: Munich, Hirmer Verlag)
• Cleo Uncovered (exhibition review of « Cleopatra and the Caesars »), Current World Archaeology 20, pages 42–43

Esquiline Venus.

• 3D model of the Louvre’s Esquiline torso via photogrammetric survey
• Buffalo – more images, including back view
• Exposed: The Victorian Nude: Room guide: Classical statues – Tate
• Indiana – images (specifically here and here).

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esquiline_Venus

http://www.giacobbegiusti.com

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon sauroctone, représentant peut-être le meurtre du serpent Python, musée du Louvre

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon et sa sœur Artémis entourant le palmier où leur mère leur a donné naissance, cratère du Peintre de Comacchio, vers 450 av. J.-C., (musée archéologique national de Madrid).

 

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo del Tevere, copia romana, Palazzo Massimo alle Terme

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon und Daphne, Gemälde von Antonio Pollaiuolo(um 1475)

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon mit Kithara (Fresko, Haus des Augustus, heute im Palatin Antiquarium in Rom, ca. 20 v. Chr.)

Apollo Kitharoidos. Painted plaster, Roman artwork from the Augustan period. From the Scalae Caci on the Palatine Hill. Antiquarium of the Palatine,

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon-Statue mit Pfeil und Bogen (ist hier abgebrochen), heute im Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollon citharède versant une libation, médaillon d’une coupe attique à fond blanc attribuée au Peintre de Pistoxénos, musée archéologique de Delphes

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

The Omphalos in the Museum of Delphi

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo (left) and Artemis. Brygos(potter signed), tondo of an Attic red-figure cup c. 470 BC, Musée du Louvre.

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo with his lyre. Statue from Pergamon Museum, Berlin.

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo, West Pediment Olympia. Munich, copy from original, 460 BCE at the Temple of Zeus, Olympia, Greece.

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

New York Kouros, Met. Mus. 32.11.1, marble (620–610 BC), Metropolitan Museum of Art

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo Citharoedus (« Apollo with a kithara »), Musei Capitolini, Rome

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Piraeus Apollo, archaic-style bronze, Archaeological Museum of Piraeus

 

Apollo
God of music, poetry, art, oracles, archery, plague, medicine, sun, light and knowledge Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO
Apollo Belvedere, ca. 120–140 CE
Abode	Mount Olympus
Symbol	Lyre, laurel wreath, python, raven, Swan, bow and arrows
Personal Information
Children	Asclepius, Troilus, Aristaeus, Orpheus
Parents	Zeus and Leto
Siblings	Artemis, Aeacus, Angelos, Aphrodite, Ares, Athena, Dionysus, Eileithyia, Enyo, Eris, Ersa, Hebe, Helen of Troy, Hephaestus, Heracles, Hermes, Minos, Pandia, Persephone, Perseus, Rhadamanthus, the Graces, the Horae, the Litae, the Muses, the Moirai
Roman equivalent	Apollo

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Apollo (Attic, Ionic, and Homeric Greek: Ἀπόλλων, Apollōn (GENἈπόλλωνος); Doric: Ἀπέλλων, Apellōn; Arcadocypriot: Ἀπείλων, Apeilōn; Aeolic: Ἄπλουν, Aploun; Latin: Apollō) is one of the most important and complex of the Olympian deities in classical Greek and Roman religion and Greek and Roman mythology. The ideal of the kouros (a beardless, athletic youth), Apollo has been variously recognized as a god of music, truth and prophecy, healing, the sun and light, plague, poetry, and more. Apollo is the son of Zeus and Leto, and has a twin sister, the chaste huntress Artemis. Apollo is known in Greek-influenced Etruscan mythology as Apulu.^[1]

As the patron of Delphi (Pythian Apollo), Apollo was an oracular god—the prophetic deity of the Delphic Oracle. Medicine and healing are associated with Apollo, whether through the god himself or mediated through his son Asclepius, yet Apollo was also seen as a god who could bring ill-health and deadly plague. Amongst the god’s custodial charges, Apollo became associated with dominion over colonists, and as the patron defender of herds and flocks. As the leader of the Muses (Apollon Musegetes) and director of their choir, Apollo functioned as the patron god of music and poetry. Hermes created the lyre for him, and the instrument became a common attribute of Apollo. Hymns sung to Apollo were called paeans.

In Hellenistic times, especially during the 3rd century BCE, as Apollo Helios he became identified among Greeks with Helios, Titangod of the sun, and his sister Artemis similarly equated with Selene, Titan goddess of the moon.^[2] In Latin texts, on the other hand, Joseph Fontenrosedeclared himself unable to find any conflation of Apollo with Sol among the Augustan poets of the 1st century, not even in the conjurations of Aeneas and Latinus in Aeneid XII (161–215).^[3]Apollo and Helios/Sol remained separate beings in literary and mythological texts until the 3rd century CE.

Etymology

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo seated with lyre. Porphyryand marble, 2nd century AD. Farnese collection, Naples, Italy.

The name Apollo—unlike the related older namePaean—is generally not found in the Linear B(Mycenean Greek) texts, although there is a possible attestation in the lacunose form ]pe-rjo-[(Linear B: ]𐀟𐁊-[) on the KN E 842 tablet.^[4][5][6]

The etymology of the name is uncertain. The spelling Ἀπόλλων (pronounced [a.pól.lɔːn] in Classical Attic) had almost superseded all other forms by the beginning of the common era, but the Doric form, Apellon (Ἀπέλλων), is more archaic, as it is derived from an earlier *Ἀπέλjων. It probably is a cognate to the Doric month Apellaios (Ἀπελλαῖος),^[7] and the offerings apellaia(ἀπελλαῖα) at the initiation of the young men during the family-festival apellai (ἀπέλλαι).^[8][9]According to some scholars, the words are derived from the Doric word apella (ἀπέλλα), which originally meant « wall, » « fence for animals » and later « assembly within the limits of the square. »^[10][11]Apella (Ἀπέλλα) is the name of the popular assembly in Sparta,^[10] corresponding to the ecclesia (ἐκκλησία). R. S. P. Beekes rejected the connection of the theonym with the noun apellai and suggested a Pre-Greek proto-form *Apal^yun.^[12]

Several instances of popular etymology are attested from ancient authors. Thus, the Greeks most often associated Apollo’s name with the Greek verb ἀπόλλυμι (apollymi), « to destroy ».^[13]Plato in Cratylus connects the name with ἀπόλυσις (apolysis), « redemption », with ἀπόλουσις (apolousis), « purification », and with ἁπλοῦν ([h]aploun), « simple »,^[14] in particular in reference to the Thessalian form of the name, Ἄπλουν, and finally with Ἀειβάλλων (aeiballon), « ever-shooting ». Hesychius connects the name Apollo with the Doric ἀπέλλα (apella), which means « assembly », so that Apollo would be the god of political life, and he also gives the explanation σηκός (sekos), « fold », in which case Apollo would be the god of flocks and herds.^[15] In the ancient Macedonian languageπέλλα (pella) means « stone, »^[16] and some toponyms may be derived from this word: Πέλλα (Pella,^[17] the capital of ancient Macedonia) and Πελλήνη(Pellēnē/Pallene).^[18]

A number of non-Greek etymologies have been suggested for the name,^[19] The Hittite form Apaliunas (^dx-ap-pa-li-u-na-aš) is attested in the Manapa-Tarhunta letter,^[20] perhaps related to Hurrian (and certainly the Etruscan) Aplu, a god of plague, in turn likely from AkkadianAplu Enlilmeaning simply « the son of Enlil« , a title that was given to the god Nergal, who was linked to Shamash, Babylonian god of the sun.^[21] The role of Apollo as god of plague is evident in the invocation of Apollo Smintheus (« mouse Apollo ») by Chryses, the Trojan priest of Apollo, with the purpose of sending a plague against the Greeks (the reasoning behind a god of the plague becoming a god of healing is apotropaic, meaning that the god responsible for bringing the plague must be appeased in order to remove the plague).

The Hittite testimony reflects an early form *Apeljōn, which may also be surmised from comparison of Cypriot Ἀπείλων with Doric Ἀπέλλων.^[22]

A Luwian etymology suggested for Apaliunasmakes Apollo « The One of Entrapment », perhaps in the sense of « Hunter ».^[23]

Greco-Roman epithets

Apollo’s chief epithet was Phoebus (/ˈfiːbəs/FEE-bəs; Φοῖβος, PhoibosGreek pronunciation: [pʰó͜i.bos]), literally « bright ».^[24] It was very commonly used by both the Greeks and Romans for Apollo’s role as the god of light. Like other Greek deities, he had a number of others applied to him, reflecting the variety of roles, duties, and aspects ascribed to the god. However, while Apollo has a great number of appellations in Greek myth, only a few occur in Latin literature.

Sun

• Aegletes (/əˈɡliːtiːz/ə-GLEE-teez; Αἰγλήτης, Aiglētēs), from αἴγλη, « light of the sun »^[25]
• Helius (/ˈhiːliəs/HEE-lee-əs; Ἥλιος, Helios), literally « sun »^[26]
• Lyceus (/laɪˈsiːəs/ly-SEE-əs; Λύκειος, Lykeios, from Proto-Greek *λύκη) « light ». The meaning of the epithet « Lyceus » later became associated with Apollo’s mother Leto, who was the patron goddess of Lycia (Λυκία) and who was identified with the wolf (λύκος).^[27]
• Phanaeus (/fəˈniːəs/fə-NEE-əs; Φαναῖος, Phanaios), literally « giving or bringing light »
• Phoebus (/ˈfiːbəs/FEE-bəs; Φοῖβος, Phoibos), literally « bright », his most commonly used epithet by both the Greeks and Romans
• Sol (Roman) (/sɒl/SOL), « sun » in Latin

Wolf

• Lycegenes (/laɪˈsɛdʒəniːz/ly-SEJ-ə-neez; Λυκηγενής, Lukēgenēs), literally « born of a wolf » or « born of Lycia »
• Lycoctonus (/laɪˈkɒktənəs/ly-KOK-tə-nəs; Λυκοκτόνος, Lykoktonos), from λύκος, « wolf », and κτείνειν, « to kill »

Origin and birth

Apollo’s birthplace was Mount Cynthus on the island of Delos.

• Cynthius (/ˈsɪnθiəs/SIN-thee-əs; Κύνθιος, Kunthios), literally « Cynthian »
• Cynthogenes (/sɪnˈθɒdʒɪniːz/sin-THOJ-i-neez; Κυνθογενής, Kynthogenēs), literally « born of Cynthus »
• Delius (/ˈdiːliəs/DEE-lee-əs; Δήλιος, Delios), literally « Delian »
• Didymaeus (/dɪdɪˈmiːəs/did-i-MEE-əs; Διδυμαῖος, Didymaios) from δίδυμος, « twin ») as Artemis‘ twin

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Partial view of the temple of Apollo Epikurios (healer) at Bassae in southern Greece

Place of worship

Delphi and Actium were his primary places of worship.^[28][29]

• Acraephius (/əˈkriːfiəs/ə-KREE-fee-əs; Ἀκραίφιος,^{[clarification needed]}Akraiphios, literally « Acraephian ») or Acraephiaeus(/əˌkriːfiˈiːəs/ə-KREE-fee-EE-əs; Ἀκραιφιαίος, Akraiphiaios), « Acraephian », from the Boeotiantown of Acraephia (Ἀκραιφία), reputedly founded by his son Acraepheus.^[30]
• Actiacus (/ækˈtaɪ.əkəs/ak-TY-ə-kəs; Ἄκτιακός, Aktiakos), literally « Actian », after Actium (Ἄκτιον)
• Delphinius (/dɛlˈfɪniəs/del-FIN-ee-əs; Δελφίνιος, Delphinios), literally « Delphic », after Delphi (Δελφοί). An etiology in the Homeric Hymns associated this with dolphins.
• Pythius (/ˈpɪθiəs/PITH-ee-əs; Πύθιος, Puthios, from Πυθώ, Pythō), from the region around Delphi
• Smintheus (/ˈsmɪnθjuːs/SMIN-thews; Σμινθεύς, Smintheus), « Sminthian »—that is, « of the town of Sminthos or Sminthe »^[31] near the Troad town of Hamaxitus^[32]

Temple of the Delians at Delos, dedicated to Apollo (478 BC). 19th-century pen-and-wash restoration.

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Temple of Apollo Smintheus at Çanakkale, Turkey

Healing and disease

• Acesius (/əˈsiːʒəs/ə-SEE-zhəs; Ἀκέσιος, Akesios), from ἄκεσις, « healing ». Acesius was the epithet of Apollo worshipped in Elis, where he had a temple in the agora.^[33]
• Acestor (/əˈsɛstər/ə-SES-tər; Ἀκέστωρ, Akestōr), literally « healer »
• Culicarius (Roman) (/ˌkjuːlɪˈkæriəs/KEW-li-KARR-ee-əs), from Latin culicārius, « of midges »
• Iatrus (/aɪˈætrəs/eye-AT-rəs; Ἰατρός, Iātros), literally « physician »^[34]
• Medicus (Roman) (/ˈmɛdɪkəs/MED-i-kəs), « physician » in Latin. A temple was dedicated to Apollo Medicus at Rome, probably next to the temple of Bellona.
• Paean (/ˈpiːən/PEE-ən; Παιάν, Paiān),physician, healer ^[35]
• Parnopius (/pɑːrˈnoʊpiəs/par-NOH-pee-əs; Παρνόπιος, Parnopios), from πάρνοψ, « locust »

Founder and protector

• Agyieus (/əˈdʒaɪ.ɪjuːs/ə-JY-i-yoos; Ἀγυιεύς, Aguīeus), from ἄγυια, « street », for his role in protecting roads and homes
• Alexicacus (/əˌlɛksɪˈkeɪkəs/ə-LEK-si-KAY-kəs; Ἀλεξίκακος, Alexikakos), literally « warding off evil »
• Apotropaeus (/əˌpɒtrəˈpiːəs/ə-POT-rə-PEE-əs; Ἀποτρόπαιος, Apotropaios), from ἀποτρέπειν, « to avert »
• Archegetes (/ɑːrˈkɛdʒətiːz/ar-KEJ-ə-teez; Ἀρχηγέτης, Arkhēgetēs), literally « founder »
• Averruncus (Roman) (/ˌævəˈrʌŋkəs/AV-ə-RUNG-kəss; from Latin āverruncare), « to avert »
• Clarius (/ˈklæriəs/KLARR-ee-əs; Κλάριος, Klārios), from Doricκλάρος, « allotted lot »^[36]
• Epicurius (/ˌɛpɪˈkjʊriəs/EP-i-KEWR-ee-əs; Ἐπικούριος, Epikourios), from ἐπικουρέειν, « to aid »^[26]
• Genetor (/ˈdʒɛnɪtər/JEN-i-tər; Γενέτωρ, Genetōr), literally « ancestor »^[26]
• Nomius (/ˈnoʊmiəs/NOH-mee-əs; Νόμιος, Nomios), literally « pastoral »
• Nymphegetes (/nɪmˈfɛdʒɪtiːz/nim-FEJ-i-teez; Νυμφηγέτης, Numphēgetēs), from Νύμφη, « Nymph », and ἡγέτης, « leader », for his role as a protector of shepherds and pastoral life

Prophecy and truth

• Coelispex (Roman) (/ˈsɛlɪspɛks/SEL-i-speks), from Latin coelum, « sky », and specere « to look at »
• Iatromantis (/aɪˌætrəˈmæntɪs/eye-AT-rə-MAN-tis; Ἰατρομάντις, Iātromantis,) from ἰατρός, « physician », and μάντις, « prophet », referring to his role as a god both of healing and of prophecy
• Leschenorius (/ˌlɛskɪˈnɔːriəs/LES-ki-NOR-ee-əs; Λεσχηνόριος, Leskhēnorios), from λεσχήνωρ, « converser »
• Loxias (/ˈlɒksiəs/LOK-see-əs; Λοξίας, Loxias), from λέγειν, « to say »,^[26] historically associated with λοξός, « ambiguous »
• Manticus (/ˈmæntɪkəs/MAN-ti-kəs; Μαντικός, Mantikos), literally « prophetic »

Music and arts

• Musagetes (/mjuːˈsædʒɪtiːz/mew-SAJ-i-teez; DoricΜουσαγέτας, Mousāgetās), from Μούσα, « Muse« , and ἡγέτης « leader »^[37]
• Musegetes (/mjuːˈsɛdʒɪtiːz/mew-SEJ-i-teez; Μουσηγέτης, Mousēgetēs), as the preceding

Archery

• Aphetor (/əˈfiːtər/ə-FEE-tər; Ἀφήτωρ, Aphētōr), from ἀφίημι, « to let loose »
• Aphetorus (/əˈfɛtərəs/ə-FET-ər-əs; Ἀφητόρος, Aphētoros), as the preceding
• Arcitenens (Roman) (/ɑːrˈtɪsɪnənz/ar-TISS-i-nənz), literally « bow-carrying »
• Argyrotoxus (/ˌɑːrdʒɪrəˈtɒksəs/AR-ji-rə-TOK-səs; Ἀργυρότοξος, Argyrotoxos), literally « with silver bow »
• Hecaërgus (/ˌhɛkiˈɜːrɡəs/HEK-ee-UR-gəs; Ἑκάεργος, Hekaergos), literally « far-shooting »
• Hecebolus (/hɪˈsɛbələs/hi-SEB-ə-ləs; Ἑκηβόλος, Hekēbolos), « far-shooting »
• Ismenius (/ɪzˈmiːniəs/iz-MEE-nee-əs; Ἰσμηνιός, Ismēnios), literally « of Ismenus », after Ismenus, the son of Amphion and Niobe, whom he struck with an arrow

Celtic epithets and cult titles

Apollo was worshipped throughout the Roman Empire. In the traditionally Celtic lands he was most often seen as a healing and sun god. He was often equated with Celtic gods of similar character.^[38]

• Apollo Atepomarus (« the great horseman » or « possessing a great horse »). Apollo was worshipped at Mauvières (Indre). Horses were, in the Celtic world, closely linked to the sun.^[39]
• Apollo Belenus (‘bright’ or ‘brilliant’). This epithet was given to Apollo in parts of Gaul, Northern Italy and Noricum (part of modern Austria). Apollo Belenus was a healing and sun god.^[40]
• Apollo Cunomaglus (‘hound lord’). A title given to Apollo at a shrine at Nettleton Shrub, Wiltshire. May have been a god of healing. Cunomaglus himself may originally have been an independent healing god.^[41]
• Apollo Grannus. Grannus was a healing spring god, later equated with Apollo.^[42][43][44]
• Apollo Maponus. A god known from inscriptions in Britain. This may be a local fusion of Apollo and Maponus.
• Apollo Moritasgus (‘masses of sea water’). An epithet for Apollo at Alesia, where he was worshipped as god of healing and, possibly, of physicians.^[45]
• Apollo Vindonnus (‘clear light’). Apollo Vindonnus had a temple at Essarois, near Châtillon-sur-Seine in present-day Burgundy. He was a god of healing, especially of the eyes.^[43]
• Apollo Virotutis (‘benefactor of mankind?’). Apollo Virotutis was worshipped, among other places, at Fins d’Annecy (Haute-Savoie) and at Jublains (Maine-et-Loire).^[44][46]

Origins

The Omphalos in the Museum of Delphi

The cult centers of Apollo in Greece, Delphi and Delos, date from the 8th century BCE. The Delos sanctuary was primarily dedicated to Artemis, Apollo’s twin sister. At Delphi, Apollo was venerated as the slayer of Pytho. For the Greeks, Apollo was all the Gods in one and through the centuries he acquired different functions which could originate from different gods. In archaic Greece he was the prophet, the oracular god who in older times was connected with « healing ». In classical Greece he was the god of light and of music, but in popular religion he had a strong function to keep away evil.^[47]Walter Burkert^[48]discerned three components in the prehistory of Apollo worship, which he termed « a Dorian-northwest Greek component, a Cretan-Minoan component, and a Syro-Hittite component. »

From his eastern origin Apollo brought the art of inspection of « symbols and omina » (σημεία και τέρατα : semeia kai terata), and of the observation of the omens of the days. The inspiration oracular-cult was probably introduced from Anatolia. The ritualism belonged to Apollo from the beginning. The Greeks created the legalism, the supervision of the orders of the gods, and the demand for moderation and harmony. Apollo became the god of shining youth, the protector of music, spiritual-life, moderation and perceptible order. The improvement of the old Anatolian god, and his elevation to an intellectual sphere, may be considered an achievement of the Greek people.^[49]

Healer and god-protector from evil

The function of Apollo as a « healer » is connected with Paean (Παιών-Παιήων), the physician of the Gods in the Iliad, who seems to come from a more primitive religion.^[50] Paeοn is probably connected with the Myceneanpa-ja-wo-ne (Linear B: 𐀞𐀊𐀍𐀚),^[51][52][53] but this is not certain. He did not have a separate cult, but he was the personification of the holy magic-song sung by the magicians that was supposed to cure disease. Later the Greeks knew the original meaning of the relevant song « paean » (παιάν). The magicians were also called « seer-doctors » (ἰατρομάντεις), and they used an ecstatic prophetic art which was used exactly by the god Apollo at the oracles.^[54]

In the Iliad, Apollo is the healer under the gods, but he is also the bringer of disease and death with his arrows, similar to the function of the Vedicgod of disease Rudra.^[55] He sends a plague (λοιμός) to the Achaeans. The god who sends a disease can also prevent it; therefore, when it stops, they make a purifying ceremony and offer him a hecatomb to ward off evil. When the oath of his priest appeases, they pray and with a song they call their own god, the Paean.^[56]

Some common epithets of Apollo as a healer are « paion » (παιών, literally « healer » or « helper »)^[57]« epikourios » (ἐπικουρώ, « help »), « oulios » (οὐλή, « healed wound », also a « scar » )^[58] and « loimios » (λοιμός, « plague »). In classical times, his strong function in popular religion was to keep away evil, and was therefore called « apotropaios » (ἀποτρέπω, « divert », « deter », « avert ») and « alexikakos » (from v.ἀλέξω + n.κακόν, « defend from evil »).^[59] In later writers, the word, usually spelled « Paean », becomes a mere epithet of Apollo in his capacity as a god of healing.^[60]

Homer illustrated Paeon the god, and the song both of apotropaic thanksgiving or triumph.^{[citation needed]} Such songs were originally addressed to Apollo, and afterwards to other gods: to Dionysus, to Apollo Helios, to Apollo’s son Asclepius the healer. About the 4th century BCE, the paean became merely a formula of adulation; its object was either to implore protection against disease and misfortune, or to offer thanks after such protection had been rendered. It was in this way that Apollo had become recognised as the god of music. Apollo’s role as the slayer of the Python led to his association with battle and victory; hence it became the Roman custom for a paean to be sung by an army on the march and before entering into battle, when a fleet left the harbour, and also after a victory had been won.

Dorian origin

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Apollo Victorious over the Pythonby the Florentine Pietro Francavilla(dated 1591) depicting Apollo’s first triumph, when he slew with his bow and arrows the serpent Python, which lies dead at his feet^[61] (The Walters Art Museum).

The connection with the Dorians and their initiation festival apellai is reinforced by the month Apellaios in northwest Greek calendars.^[62] The family-festival was dedicated to Apollo (Doric: Ἀπέλλων).^[63]Apellaios is the month of these rites, and Apellon is the « megistos kouros » (the great Kouros).^[64] However it can explain only the Doric type of the name, which is connected with the Ancient Macedonian word « pella » (Pella), stone. Stones played an important part in the cult of the god, especially in the oracular shrine of Delphi (Omphalos).^[65][66] The « Homeric hymn » represents Apollo as a Northern intruder. His arrival must have occurred during the « Dark Ages » that followed the destruction of the Mycenaean civilization, and his conflict with Gaia (Mother Earth) was represented by the legend of his slaying her daughter the serpent Python.^[67]

The earth deity had power over the ghostly world, and it is believed that she was the deity behind the oracle.^[68] The older tales mentioned two dragons who were perhaps intentionally conflated. A female dragon named Delphyne (δελφύς, « womb »),^[69] and a male serpent Typhon (τύφειν, « to smoke »), the adversary of Zeus in the Titanomachy, who the narrators confused with Python.^[70][71] Python was the good daemon(ἀγαθὸς δαίμων) of the temple as it appears in Minoan religion,^[72] but she was represented as a dragon, as often happens in Northern European folklore as well as in the East.^[73]

Apollo and his sister Artemis can bring death with their arrows. The conception that diseases and death come from invisible shots sent by supernatural beings, or magicians is common in Germanic and Norse mythology.^[55] In Greek mythology Artemis was the leader (ἡγεμών, « hegemon ») of the nymphs, who had similar functions with the NordicElves.^[74] The « elf-shot » originally indicated disease or death attributed to the elves, but it was later attested denoting stone arrow-heads which were used by witches to harm people, and also for healing rituals.^[75]

The Vedic Rudra has some similar functions with Apollo. The terrible god is called « The Archer », and the bow is also an attribute of Shiva.^[76]Rudra could bring diseases with his arrows, but he was able to free people of them, and his alternative Shiba is a healer physician god.^[77]However the Indo-European component of Apollo does not explain his strong relation with omens, exorcisms, and with the oracular cult.

Minoan origin

Ornamented golden Minoanlabrys

It seems an oracular cult existed in Delphi from the Mycenaean age.^[78] In historical times, the priests of Delphi were called Labryaden, « the double-axe men », which indicates Minoan origin. The double-axe, labrys, was the holy symbol of the Cretanlabyrinth.^[79][80] The Homeric hymn adds that Apollo appeared as a dolphin and carried Cretan priests to Delphi, where they evidently transferred their religious practices. Apollo Delphinios or Delphidios was a sea-god especially worshiped in Crete and in the islands.^[81] Apollo’s sister Artemis, who was the Greek goddess of hunting, is identified with Britomartis (Diktynna), the Minoan « Mistress of the animals ». In her earliest depictions she is accompanied by the « Mister of the animals », a male god of hunting who had the bow as his attribute. His original name is unknown, but it seems that he was absorbed by the more popular Apollo, who stood by the virgin « Mistress of the Animals », becoming her brother.^[74]

The old oracles in Delphi seem to be connected with a local tradition of the priesthood, and there is not clear evidence that a kind of inspiration-prophecy existed in the temple. This led some scholars to the conclusion that Pythia carried on the rituals in a consistent procedure through many centuries, according to the local tradition. In that regard, the mythical seeress Sibyl of Anatolianorigin, with her ecstatic art, looks unrelated to the oracle itself.^[82] However, the Greek tradition is referring to the existence of vapours and chewing of laurel-leaves, which seem to be confirmed by recent studies.^[83]

Plato describes the priestesses of Delphi and Dodona as frenzied women, obsessed by « mania » (μανία, « frenzy »), a Greek word he connected with mantis (μάντις, « prophet »).^[84] Frenzied women like Sibyls from whose lips the god speaks are recorded in the Near East as Mari in the second millennium BC.^[85] Although Crete had contacts with Mari from 2000 BC,^[86] there is no evidence that the ecstatic prophetic art existed during the Minoan and Mycenean ages. It is more probable that this art was introduced later from Anatolia and regenerated an existing oracular cult that was local to Delphi and dormant in several areas of Greece.^[87]

Anatolian origin

Illustration of a coin of Apollo Agyieus from Ambracia

A non-Greek origin of Apollo has long been assumed in scholarship.^[7] The name of Apollo’s mother Letohas Lydian origin, and she was worshipped on the coasts of Asia Minor. The inspiration oracular cult was probably introduced into Greece from Anatolia, which is the origin of Sibyl, and where existed some of the oldest oracular shrines. Omens, symbols, purifications, and exorcisms appear in old Assyro–Babylonian texts, and these rituals were spread into the empire of the Hittites. In a Hittite text is mentioned that the king invited a Babylonian priestess for a certain « purification ».^[49]

A similar story is mentioned by Plutarch. He writes that the CretanseerEpimenides purified Athensafter the pollution brought by the Alcmeonidae, and that the seer’s expertise in sacrifices and reform of funeral practices were of great help to Solon in his reform of the Athenian state.^[88] The story indicates that Epimenides was probably heir to the shamanic religions of Asia, and proves, together with the Homeric hymn, that Crete had a resisting religion up to historical times. It seems that these rituals were dormant in Greece, and they were reinforced when the Greeks migrated to Anatolia.

Homer pictures Apollo on the side of the Trojans, fighting against the Achaeans, during the Trojan War. He is pictured as a terrible god, less trusted by the Greeks than other gods. The god seems to be related to Appaliunas, a tutelary god of Wilusa(Troy) in Asia Minor, but the word is not complete.^[89] The stones found in front of the gates of Homeric Troy were the symbols of Apollo. The Greeks gave to him the name ἀγυιεύςagyieus as the protector god of public places and houses who wards off evil, and his symbol was a tapered stone or column.^[90] However, while usually Greek festivals were celebrated at the full moon, all the feasts of Apollo were celebrated at the seventh day of the month, and the emphasis given to that day (sibutu) indicates a Babylonianorigin.^[91]

The Late Bronze Age (from 1700 to 1200 BCE) Hittite and HurrianAplu was a god of plague, invoked during plague years. Here we have an apotropaic situation, where a god originally bringing the plague was invoked to end it. Aplu, meaning the son of, was a title given to the god Nergal, who was linked to the Babylonian god of the sun Shamash.^[21] Homer interprets Apollo as a terrible god (δεινὸς θεός) who brings death and disease with his arrows, but who can also heal, possessing a magic art that separates him from the other Greek gods.^[92] In Iliad, his priest prays to Apollo Smintheus,^[93] the mouse god who retains an older agricultural function as the protector from field rats.^[31][94][95] All these functions, including the function of the healer-god Paean, who seems to have Mycenean origin, are fused in the cult of Apollo.

Oracular cult

Columns of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, Greece

Unusually among the Olympic deities, Apollo had two cult sites that had widespread influence: Delos and Delphi. In cult practice, Delian Apolloand Pythian Apollo (the Apollo of Delphi) were so distinct that they might both have shrines in the same locality.^[96] Apollo’s cult was already fully established when written sources commenced, about 650 BCE. Apollo became extremely important to the Greek world as an oracular deity in the archaic period, and the frequency of theophoric names such as Apollodorus or Apollonios and cities named Apollonia testify to his popularity. Oracular sanctuaries to Apollo were established in other sites. In the 2nd and 3rd century CE, those at Didyma and Claruspronounced the so-called « theological oracles », in which Apollo confirms that all deities are aspects or servants of an all-encompassing, highest deity. « In the 3rd century, Apollo fell silent. Julian the Apostate (359–361) tried to revive the Delphic oracle, but failed. »^[7]

Oracular shrines

Giacobbe Giusti, APOLLO

Delos lions

Apollo had a famous oracle in Delphi, and other notable ones in Clarus and Branchidae. His oracular shrine in Abae in Phocis, where he bore the toponymic epithet Abaeus (Ἀπόλλων Ἀβαῖος, Apollon Abaios), was important enough to be consulted by Croesus.^[97] His oracular shrines include:

• Abae in Phocis.
• Bassae in the Peloponnese.
• At Clarus, on the west coast of Asia Minor; as at Delphi a holy spring which gave off a pneuma, from which the priests drank.
• In Corinth, the Oracle of Corinth came from the town of Tenea, from prisoners supposedly taken in the Trojan War.
• At Khyrse, in Troad, the temple was built for Apollo Smintheus.
• In Delos, there was an oracle to the Delian Apollo, during summer. The Hieron (Sanctuary) of Apollo adjacent to the Sacred Lake, was the place where the god was said to have been born.
• In Delphi, the Pythia became filled with the pneuma of Apollo, said to come from a spring inside the Adyton.
• In Didyma, an oracle on the coast of Anatolia, south west of Lydian (Luwian) Sardis, in which priests from the lineage of the Branchidae received inspiration by drinking from a healing spring located in the temple. Was believed to have been founded by Branchus, son or lover of Apollo.
• In Hierapolis Bambyce, Syria (modern Manbij), according to the treatise De Dea Syria, the sanctuary of the Syrian Goddess contained a robed and bearded image of Apollo. Divination was based on spontaneous movements of this image.^[98]
• At Patara, in Lycia, there was a seasonal winter oracle of Apollo, said to have been the place where the god went from Delos. As at Delphi the oracle at Patara was a woman.
• In Segesta in Sicily.

Oracles were also given by sons of Apollo.

• In Oropus, north of Athens, the oracle Amphiaraus, was said to be the son of Apollo; Oropus also had a sacred spring.
• in Labadea, 20 miles (32 km) east of Delphi, Trophonius, another son of Apollo, killed his brother and fled to the cave where he was also afterwards consulted as an oracle.

Temples of Apollo

Main articles: Ancient Greek temple and Roman temple

Many temples were dedicated to Apollo in Greece and the Greek colonies. They show the spread of the cult of Apollo and the evolution of the Greek architecture, which was mostly based on the rightness of form and on mathematical relations. Some of the earliest temples, especially in Crete, do not belong to any Greek order. It seems that the first peripteral temples were rectanglular wooden structures. The different wooden elements were considered divine, and their forms were preserved in the marble or stone elements of the temples of Doric order. The Greeks used standard types because they believed that the world of objects was a series of typical forms which could be represented in several instances. The temples should be canonic, and the architects were trying to achieve this esthetic perfection.^[99]From the earliest times there were certain rules strictly observed in rectangular peripteral and prostyle buildings. The first buildings were built narrowly in order to hold the roof, and when the dimensions changed some mathematical relations became necessary in order to keep the original forms. This probably influenced the theory of numbers of Pythagoras, who believed that behind the appearance of things there was the permanent principle of mathematics.^[100]

The Doric order dominated during the 6th and the 5th century BC but there was a mathematical problem regarding the position of the triglyphs, which couldn’t be solved without changing the original forms. The order was almost abandoned for the Ionic order, but the Ionic capital also posed an insoluble problem at the corner of a temple. Both orders were abandoned for the Corinthian order gradually during the Hellenistic age and under Rome.

The most important temples are:

Greek temples

• Thebes, Greece: The oldest temple probably dedicated to Apollo Ismenius was built in the 9th century B.C. It seems that it was a curvilinear building. The Doric temple was built in the early 7th century B.C., but only some small parts have been found ^[101] A festival called Daphnephoria was celebrated every ninth year in honour of Apollo Ismenius (or Galaxius). The people held laurel branches (daphnai), and at the head of the procession walked a youth (chosen priest of Apollo), who was called « daphnephoros ».^[102]
• Eretria: According to the Homeric hymn to Apollo, the god arrived to the plain, seeking for a location to establish its oracle. The first temple of Apollo Daphnephoros, « Apollo, laurel-bearer », or « carrying off Daphne », is dated to 800 B.C. The temple was curvilinear hecatombedon (a hundred feet). In a smaller building were kept the bases of the laurel branches which were used for the first building. Another temple probably peripteral was built in the 7th century B.C., with an inner row of wooden columns over its Geometric predecessor. It was rebuilt peripteral around 510 B.C., with the stylobate measuring 21,00 x 43,00 m. The number of pteron column was 6 x 14.^[103][104]
• Dreros (Crete). The temple of Apollo Delphinios dates from the 7th century B.C., or probably from the middle of the 8th century B.C. According to the legend, Apollo appeared as a dolphin, and carried Cretan priests to the port of Delphi.^[105] The dimensions of the plan are 10,70 x 24,00 m and the building was not peripteral. It contains column-bases of the Minoan type, which may be considered as the predecessors of the Doric columns.^[106]
• Gortyn (Crete). A temple of Pythian Apollo, was built in the 7th century B.C. The plan measured 19,00 x 16,70 m and it was not peripteral. The walls were solid, made from limestone, and there was single door on the east side.
• Thermon (West Greece): The Doric temple of Apollo Thermios, was built in the middle of the 7th century B.C. It was built on an older curvilinear building dating perhaps from the 10th century B.C., on which a peristyle was added. The temple was narrow, and the number of pteron columns (probably wooden) was 5 x 15. There was a single row of inner columns. It measures 12.13 x 38.23 m at the stylobate, which was made from stones.^[107]

Floor plan of the temple of Apollo, Corinth

• Corinth: A Doric temple was built in the 6th century B.C. The temple’s stylobatemeasures 21.36 x 53.30 m, and the number of pteron columns was 6 x 15. There was a double row of inner columns. The style is similar with the Temple of Alcmeonidae at Delphi.^[108] The Corinthians were considered to be the inventors of the Doric order.^[107]
• Napes (Lesbos): An Aeolic temple probably of Apollo Napaios was built in the 7th century B.C. Some special capitals with floral ornament have been found, which are called Aeolic, and it seems that they were borrowed from the East.^[109]
• Cyrene, Libya: The oldest Doric temple of Apollo was built in c. 600 B.C. The number of pteron columns was 6 x 11, and it measures 16.75 x 30.05 m at the stylobate. There was a double row of sixteen inner columns on stylobates. The capitals were made from stone.^[109]
• Naukratis: An Ionic temple was built in the early 6th century B.C. Only some fragments have been found and the earlier, made from limestone, are identified among the oldest of the Ionic order.^[110]

Floor plan of the temple of Apollo, Syracuse

• Syracuse, Sicily: A Doric temple was built at the beginning of the 6th century B.C. The temple’s stylobate measures 21.47 x 55.36 m and the number of pteron columns was 6 x 17. It was the first temple in Greek west built completely out of stone. A second row of columns were added, obtaining the effect of an inner porch.^[111]
• Selinus (Sicily):The DoricTemple C dates from 550 B.C., and it was probably dedicated to Apollo. The temple’s stylobate measures 10.48 x 41.63 m and the number of pteron columns was 6 x 17. There was portico with a second row of columns, which is also attested for the temple at Syracuse.^[112]
• Delphi: The first temple dedicated to Apollo, was built in the 7th century B.C. According to the legend, it was wooden made of laurel branches. The « Temple of Alcmeonidae » was built in c. 513 B.C. and it is the oldest Doric temple with significant marble elements. The temple’s stylobate measures 21.65 x 58.00 m, and the number of pteron columns as 6 x 15.^[113] A fest similar with Apollo’s fest at Thebes, Greece was celebrated every nine years. A boy was sent to the temple, who walked on the sacred road and returned carrying a laurel branch (dopnephoros). The maidens participated with joyful songs.^[102]
• Chios: An Ionic temple of Apollo Phanaios was built at the end of the 6th century B.C. Only some small parts have been found and the capitals had floral ornament.^[109]
• Abae (Phocis). The temple was destroyed by the Persians in the invasion of Xerxes in 480 B.C., and later by the Boeotians. It was rebuilt by Hadrian.^[114] The oracle was in use from early Mycenaean times to the Roman period, and shows the continuity of Mycenaean and Classical Greek religion.^[115]

Floor plan of the Temple of Apollo at Bassae

• Bassae(Peloponnesus):A temple dedicated to Apollo Epikourios (« Apollo the helper »), was built in 430 B.C. and it was designed by Iktinos.It combined Doric and Ionic elements, and the earliest use of column with a Corinthian capital in the middle.^[116] The temple is of a relatively modest size, with the stylobate measuring 14.5 x 38.3 metres^[117] containing a Doricperistyle of 6 x 15 columns. The roof left a central space open to admit light and air.*Delos: A temple probably dedicated to Apollo and not peripteral, was built in the late 7th century B.C., with a plan measuring 10,00 x 15,60 m. The Doric Great temple of Apollo, was built in c. 475 B.C. The temple’s stylobate measures 13.72 x 29.78 m, and the number of pteron columns as 6 x 13. Marble was extensively used.^[109]
• Ambracia: A Doric peripteral temple dedicated to Apollo Pythios Sotir was built in 500 B.C., and It is lying at the centre of the Greek city Arta. Only some parts have been found, and it seems that the temple was built on earlier sanctuaries dedicated to Apollo. The temple measures 20,75 x 44,00 m at the stylobate. The foundation which supported the statue of the god, still exists.^[118]

Temple of Apollo, Didyma

• Didyma(near Miletus): The gigantic Ionic temple of Apollo Didymaiosstarted around 540 B.C. The construction ceased and then it was restarted in 330 B.C. The temple is dipteral, with an outer row of 10 x 21 columns, and it measures 28.90 x 80.75 m at the stylobate.^[119]
• Clarus (near ancient Colophon): According to the legend, the famous seer Calchas, on his return from Troy, came to Clarus. He challenged the seer Mopsus, and died when he lost.^[120] The Doric temple of Apollo Clariuswas probably built in the 3rd century B.C., and it was peripteral with 6 x 11 columns. It was reconstructed at the end of the Hellenistic period, and later from the emperor Hadrian but Pausanias claims that it was still incomplete in the 2nd century B.C.^[121]
• Hamaxitus (Troad): In Iliad, Chryses the priest of Apollo, addresses the god with the epithet Smintheus (Lord of Mice), related with the god’s ancient role as bringer of the disease (plague). Recent excavations indicate that the Hellenistic temple of Apollo Smintheus was constructed at 150–125 B.C., but the symbol of the mouse god was used on coinage probably from the 4th century B.C.^[122] The temple measures 40,00 x 23,00 m at the stylobate, and the number of pteron columns was 8 x 14.^[123]

Etruscan and Roman temples

• Veii (Etruria): The temple of Apollo was built in the late 6th century B.C. and it indicates the spread of Apollo’s culture (Aplu) in Etruria. There was a prostyle porch, which is called Tuscan, and a triple cella 18,50 m wide.^[124]
• Falerii Veteres (Etruria): A temple of Apollo was built probably in the 4th-3rd century B.C. Parts of a teraccotta capital, and a teraccotta base have been found. It seems that the Etruscan columns were derived from the archaic Doric.^[124] A cult of Apollo Soranus is attested by one inscription found near Falerii.^[125]

Plan of the Temple of Apollo (Pompeii)

• Pompeii (Italy): The cult of Apollo was widespread in the region of Campania since the 6th century B.C. The temple was built in 120 B.V, but its beginnings lie in the 6th century B.C. It was reconstructed after an earthquake in A.D. 63. It demonstrates a mixing of styles which formed the basis of Roman architecture. The columns in front of the cella formed a Tuscan prostyle porch, and the cella is situated unusually far back. The peripteral colonnade of 48 Ionic columns was placed in such a way that the emphasis was given to the front side.^[126]
• Rome: The temple of Apollo Sosianus and the temple of Apollo Medicus. The first temple building dates to 431 B.C., and was dedicated to Apollo Medicus (the doctor), after a plague of 433 B.C.^[127] It was rebuilt by Gaius Sosius, probably in 34 B.C. Only three columns with Corinthian capitals exist today. It seems that the cult of Apollo had existed in this area since at least to the mid-5th century B.C.^[128]
• Rome:The temple of Apollo Palatinus was located on the Palatine hill within the sacred boundary of the city. It was dedicated by Augustus on 28 B.C. The façade of the original temple was Ionic and it was constructed from solid blocks of marble. Many famous statues by Greek masters were on display in and around the temple, including a marble statue of the god at the entrance and a statue of Apollo in the cella.^[129]
• Melite (modern Mdina, Malta): A Temple of Apollo was built in the city in the 2nd century A.D. Its remains were discovered in the 18th century, and many of its architectural fragments were dispersed among private collections or reworked into new sculptures. Parts of the temple’s podium were rediscovered in 2002.^[130]

Mythology

Main article: Greek mythology

Birth

Apollo (left) and Artemis. Brygos (potter signed), tondo of an Attic red-figure cup c. 470 BC, Musée du Louvre.

When Zeus’ wife Hera discovered that Leto was pregnant and that Zeus was the father, she banned Leto from giving birth on terra firma. In her wanderings, Leto found the newly created floating island of Delos, which was neither mainland nor a real island. She gave birth there and was accepted by the people, offering them her promise that her son would be always favourable toward the city. Afterwards, Zeus secured Delos to the bottom of the ocean.^[15] This island later became sacred to Apollo.

It is also stated that Hera kidnapped Eileithyia, the goddess of childbirth, to prevent Leto from going into labor. The other gods tricked Hera into letting her go by offering her a necklace of amber nine yards (8.2 m) long. Mythographers agree that Artemis was born first and subsequently assisted with the birth of Apollo, or that Artemis was born one day before Apollo on the island of Ortygia and that she helped Leto cross the sea to Delos the next day to give birth to Apollo. Apollo was born on the seventh day (ἑβδομαγενής, hebdomagenes)^[131] of the month Thargelion —according to Delian tradition—or of the month Bysios—according to Delphian tradition. The seventh and twentieth, the days of the new and full moon, were ever afterwards held sacred to him.^[15]

Youth

Four days after his birth, Apollo killed the chthonicdragon Python, which lived in Delphi beside the Castalian Spring. This was the spring which emitted vapors that caused the oracle at Delphi to give her prophecies. Hera sent the serpent to hunt Leto to her death across the world. To protect his mother, Apollo begged Hephaestus for a bow and arrows. After receiving them, Apollo cornered Python in the sacred cave at Delphi.^[132] Apollo killed Python but had to be punished for it, since Python was a child of Gaia.

Hera then sent the giant Tityos to rape Leto. This time Apollo was aided by his sister Artemis in protecting their mother. During the battle Zeus finally relented his aid and hurled Tityos down to Tartarus. There, he was pegged to the rock floor, covering an area of 9 acres (36,000 m²), where a pair of vultures feasted daily on his liver.

Trojan War

Marble Bust of Apollo after the Apollo Belvedere. Circa 1675

Apollo shot arrows infected with the plague into the Greek encampment during the Trojan War in retribution for Agamemnon‘s insult to Chryses, a priest of Apollo whose daughter Chryseis had been captured. He demanded her return, and the Achaeans complied, indirectly causing the anger of Achilles, which is the theme of the Iliad.

In the Iliad, when Diomedes injured Aeneas, Apollo rescued him. First, Aphrodite tried to rescue Aeneas but Diomedes injured her as well. Aeneas was then enveloped in a cloud by Apollo, who took him to Pergamos, a sacred spot in Troy.

Apollo aided Paris in the killing of Achilles by guiding the arrow of his bow into Achilles‘ heel. One interpretation of his motive is that it was in revenge for Achilles’ sacrilege in murdering Troilus, the god’s own son by Hecuba, on the very altar of the god’s own temple.

Admetus

When Zeus struck down Apollo’s son Asclepius with a lightning bolt for resurrecting Hippolytusfrom the dead (transgressing Themis by stealing Hades‘s subjects), Apollo in revenge killed the Cyclopes, who had fashioned the bolt for Zeus.^[133] Apollo would have been banished to Tartarus forever for this, but was instead sentenced to one year of hard labor, due to the intercession of his mother, Leto. During this time he served as shepherd for King Admetus of Pherae in Thessaly. Admetus treated Apollo well, and, in return, the god conferred great benefits on Admetus.

Apollo helped Admetus win Alcestis, the daughter of King Pelias and later convinced the Fates to let Admetus live past his time, if another took his place. But when it came time for Admetus to die, his parents, whom he had assumed would gladly die for him, refused to cooperate. Instead, Alcestis took his place, but Heracles managed to « persuade » Thanatos, the god of death, to return her to the world of the living.

Artemis and Apollo Piercing Niobe’s Children with their Arrows by Jacques-Louis David, Dallas Museum of Art

Niobe

Niobe, the queen of Thebes and wife of Amphion, boasted of her superiority to Leto because she had fourteen children (Niobids), seven male and seven female, while Leto had only two. Apollo killed her sons, and Artemis her daughters. Apollo and Artemis used poisoned arrows to kill them, though according to some versions of the myth, a number of the Niobids were spared (Chloris, usually). Amphion, at the sight of his dead sons, either killed himself or was killed by Apollo after swearing revenge.

A devastated Niobe fled to Mount Sipylos in Asia Minor and turned into stone as she wept. Her tears formed the river Achelous. Zeus had turned all the people of Thebes to stone and so no one buried the Niobids until the ninth day after their death, when the gods themselves entombed them.

Consorts and children

Love affairs ascribed to Apollo are a late development in Greek mythology.^[134] Their vivid anecdotal qualities have made some of them favorites of painters since the Renaissance, the result being that they stand out more prominently in the modern imagination.

Female lovers

: Apollo and Daphne

Apollo and Daphne by Bernini in the Galleria Borghese

Daphne was a nymph, daughter of the river godPeneus, who had scorned Apollo. The myth explains the connection of Apollo with δάφνη (daphnē), the laurel whose leaves his priestess employed at Delphi.^[135] In Ovid‘s Metamorphoses, Phoebus Apollo chaffs Cupid for toying with a weapon more suited to a man, whereupon Cupid wounds him with a golden dart; simultaneously, however, Cupid shoots a leaden arrow into Daphne, causing her to be repulsed by Apollo. Following a spirited chase by Apollo, Daphne prays to her father Peneus for help and he changes her into the laurel tree, sacred to Apollo.

Artemis Daphnaia, who had her temple among the Lacedemonians, at a place called Hypsoi^[136] in Antiquity, on the slopes of Mount Cnacadion near the Spartan frontier,^[137] had her own sacred laurel trees.^[138] At Eretria the identity of an excavated 7th- and 6th-century temple to Apollo Daphnephoros, « Apollo, laurel-bearer », or « carrying off Daphne », a « place where the citizens are to take the oath », is identified in inscriptions.^[139]

Leucothea was daughter of Orchamus and sister of Clytia. She fell in love with Apollo who disguised himself as Leucothea’s mother to gain entrance to her chambers. Clytia, jealous of her sister because she wanted Apollo for herself, told Orchamus the truth, betraying her sister’s trust and confidence in her. Enraged, Orchamus ordered Leucothea to be buried alive. Apollo refused to forgive Clytia for betraying his beloved, and a grieving Clytia wilted and slowly died. Apollo changed her into an incense plant, either heliotrope or sunflower, which follows the sun every day.

Marpessa was kidnapped by Idas but was loved by Apollo as well. Zeus made her choose between them, and she chose Idas on the grounds that Apollo, being immortal, would tire of her when she grew old.

Castalia was a nymph whom Apollo loved. She fled from him and dove into the spring at Delphi, at the base of Mt. Parnassos, which was then named after her. Water from this spring was sacred; it was used to clean the Delphian temples and inspire the priestesses. In the last oracle is mentioned that the « water which could speak », has been lost for ever.

By Cyrene, Apollo had a son named Aristaeus, who became the patron god of cattle, fruit trees, hunting, husbandry and bee-keeping. He was also a culture-hero and taught humanity dairy skills, the use of nets and traps in hunting, and how to cultivate olives.

Hecuba was the wife of King Priam of Troy, and Apollo had a son with her named Troilus. An oracle prophesied that Troy would not be defeated as long as Troilus reached the age of twenty alive. He was ambushed and killed by Achilleus.

Cassandra, was daughter of Hecuba and Priam, and Troilus’ half-sister. Apollo fell in love with Cassandra and promised her the gift of prophecy to seduce her, but she rejected him afterwards. Enraged, Apollo indeed gave her the ability to know the future, with a curse that she could only see the future tragedies and that no one would ever believe her.

Coronis, was daughter of Phlegyas, King of the Lapiths. Pregnant with Asclepius, Coronis fell in love with Ischys, son of Elatus. A crow informed Apollo of the affair. When first informed he disbelieved the crow and turned all crows black (where they were previously white) as a punishment for spreading untruths. When he found out the truth he sent his sister, Artemis, to kill Coronis (in other stories, Apollo himself had killed Coronis). As a result, he also made the crow sacred and gave them the task of announcing important deaths. Apollo rescued the baby and gave it to the centaurChiron to raise. Phlegyas was irate after the death of his daughter and burned the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. Apollo then killed him for what he did.

In Euripides‘ play Ion, Apollo fathered Ion by Creusa, wife of Xuthus. Creusa left Ion to die in the wild, but Apollo asked Hermes to save the child and bring him to the oracle at Delphi, where he was raised by a priestess.

Acantha, was the spirit of the acanthus tree, and Apollo had one of his other liaisons with her. Upon her death, Apollo transformed her into a sun-loving herb.

According to the Biblioteca, the « library » of mythology mis-attributed to Apollodorus, he fathered the Corybantes on the Muse Thalia.^[140]

Consorts and children: extended list

1. Acacallis
   1. Amphithemis (Garamas)^[141]
   2. Naxos, eponym of the island Naxos^[142]
   3. Phylacides
   4. Phylander^[143]
2. Acantha
3. Aethusa
   1. Eleuther
4. Aganippe
   1. Chios^[144]
5. Alciope^[145]
   1. Linus (possibly)
6. Amphissa / Isse, daughter of Macareus
7. Anchiale / Acacallis
   1. Oaxes^[146]
8. Areia, daughter of Cleochus / Acacallis / Deione
   1. Miletus
9. Astycome, nymph
   1. Eumolpus (possibly)^[147]
10. Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus
    1. Asclepius (possibly)
    2. Eriopis
11. Babylo
    1. Arabus^[148]
12. Bolina
13. Calliope, Muse
    1. Orpheus (possibly)
    2. Linus (possibly)
    3. Ialemus
14. Cassandra
15. Castalia
16. Celaeno, daughter of Hyamus / Melaina / Thyia
    1. Delphus
17. Chione / Philonis / Leuconoe
    1. Philammon
18. Chrysorthe
    1. Coronus
19. Chrysothemis
    1. Parthenos
20. Coronis
    1. Asclepius
21. Coryceia
    1. Lycorus (Lycoreus)
22. Creusa
    1. Ion
23. Cyrene
    1. Aristaeus
    2. Idmon (possibly)
    3. Autuchus^[149]
24. Danais, Cretan nymph
    1. The Curetes^[150]
25. Daphne
26. Dia, daughter of Lycaon
    1. Dryops
27. Dryope
    1. Amphissus
28. Euboea (daughter of Macareus of Locris)
    1. Agreus
29. Evadne, daughter of Poseidon
    1. Iamus
30. Gryne
31. Hecate
    1. Scylla (possibly)^[151]
32. Hecuba
    1. Troilus
    2. Hector (possibly)^[152]
33. Hestia (wooed her unsuccessfully)
34. Hypermnestra, wife of Oicles
    1. Amphiaraus (possibly)
35. Hypsipyle^[153]
36. Hyria (Thyria)
    1. Cycnus
37. Lycia, nymph or daughter of Xanthus
    1. Eicadius^[154]
    2. Patarus^[155]
38. Manto
    1. Mopsus
39. Marpessa
40. Melia
    1. Ismenus^[156]
    2. Tenerus^[157]
41. Ocyrhoe
42. Othreis
    1. Phager
43. Parnethia, nymph
    1. Cynnes^[158]
44. Parthenope
    1. Lycomedes
45. Phthia
    1. Dorus
    2. Laodocus
    3. Polypoetes
46. Prothoe^[159]
47. Procleia
    1. Tenes (possibly)
48. Psamathe
    1. Linus
49. Rhoeo
    1. Anius
50. Rhodoessa, nymph
    1. Ceos, eponym of the island Ceos^[160]
51. Rhodope
    1. Cicon, eponym of the tribe Cicones^[161]
52. Sinope
    1. Syrus
53. Stilbe
    1. Centaurus
    2. Lapithes
    3. Aineus
54. Syllis / Hyllis
    1. Zeuxippus
55. Thaleia, Muse / Rhetia, nymph
    1. The Corybantes
56. Themisto, daughter of Zabius of Hyperborea^[162]
    1. Galeotes
    2. Telmessus (?)
57. Thero
    1. Chaeron
58. Urania, Muse
    1. Linus (possibly)
59. Urea, daughter of Poseidon
    1. Ileus (Oileus?)
60. Wife of Erginus
    1. Trophonius (possibly)
61. Unknown consorts
    1. Acraepheus, eponym of the city Acraephia^[163]
    2. Chariclo (possibly)^[164]
    3. Erymanthus
    4. Marathus, eponym of Marathon^[165]
    5. Megarus^[166]
    6. Melaneus
    7. Oncius^[167][168]
    8. Phemonoe
    9. Pisus, founder of Pisa in Etruria^[169]
    10. Younger Muses
        1. Cephisso
        2. Apollonis
        3. Borysthenis

Male lovers

Apollo and Hyacinthus, 16th-century Italian engraving by Jacopo Caraglio

Hyacinth or Hyacinthus was one of Apollo’s male lovers. He was a Spartanprince, beautiful and athletic. The pair was practicing throwing the discus when a discus thrown by Apollo was blown off course by the jealous Zephyrus and struck Hyacinthus in the head, killing him instantly. Apollo is said to be filled with grief: out of Hyacinthus’ blood, Apollo created a flower named after him as a memorial to his death, and his tears stained the flower petals with the interjection αἰαῖ, meaning alas.^[170] The Festival of Hyacinthus was a celebration of Sparta.

Another male lover was Cyparissus, a descendant of Heracles. Apollo gave him a tame deer as a companion but Cyparissus accidentally killed it with a javelin as it lay asleep in the undergrowth. Cyparissus asked Apollo to let his tears fall forever. Apollo granted the request by turning him into the Cypress named after him, which was said to be a sad tree because the sap forms droplets like tears on the trunk.

Other male lovers of Apollo include:

• Admetus^[171][172]
• Atymnius,^[173] otherwise known as a beloved of Sarpedon
• Branchus (alternately, a son of Apollo)
• Carnus
• Clarus^[174]
• Hippolytus of Sicyon (not the same as Hippolytus, the son of Theseus)^[172]
• Hymenaios^[175]
• Iapis
• Leucates, who threw himself off a rock when Apollo attempted to carry him off^[176]
• Phorbas (probably the son of Triopas)^[177]
• Potnieus^[178]

Apollo’s lyre

Apollo with his lyre. Statue from Pergamon Museum, Berlin.

Hermes was born on Mount Cyllenein Arcadia. The story is told in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes.^[179] His mother, Maia, had been secretly impregnated by Zeus. Maia wrapped the infant in blankets but Hermes escaped while she was asleep.

Hermes ran to Thessaly, where Apollo was grazing his cattle. The infant Hermes stole a number of his cows and took them to a cave in the woods near Pylos, covering their tracks. In the cave, he found a tortoise and killed it, then removed the insides. He used one of the cow’s intestines and the tortoise shell and made the first lyre.

Apollo complained to Maia that her son had stolen his cattle, but Hermes had already replaced himself in the blankets she had wrapped him in, so Maia refused to believe Apollo’s claim. Zeus intervened and, claiming to have seen the events, sided with Apollo. Hermes then began to play music on the lyre he had invented. Apollo, a god of music, fell in love with the instrument and offered to allow exchange of the cattle for the lyre. Hence, Apollo then became a master of the lyre.

Apollo in the Oresteia

In Aeschylus‘ Oresteia trilogy, Clytemnestra kills her husband, King Agamemnon because he had sacrificed their daughter Iphigenia to proceed forward with the Trojan war, and Cassandra, a prophetess of Apollo. Apollo gives an order through the Oracle at Delphi that Agamemnon’s son, Orestes, is to kill Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, her lover. Orestes and Pylades carry out the revenge, and consequently Orestes is pursued by the Erinyes or Furies (female personifications of vengeance).

Apollo and the Furies argue about whether the matricide was justified; Apollo holds that the bond of marriage is sacred and Orestes was avenging his father, whereas the Erinyes say that the bond of blood between mother and son is more meaningful than the bond of marriage. They invade his temple, and he says that the matter should be brought before Athena. Apollo promises to protect Orestes, as Orestes has become Apollo’s supplicant. Apollo advocates Orestes at the trial, and ultimately Athena rules in favor of Apollo.

Other stories

Apollo killed the Aloadae when they attempted to storm Mt. Olympus.

Callimachus sang^[180] that Apollo rode on the back of a swan to the land of the Hyperboreansduring the winter months.

Apollo turned Cephissus into a sea monster.

Another contender for the birthplace of Apollo is the Cretan islands of Paximadia.

Musical contests

Pan

Once Pan had the audacity to compare his music with that of Apollo and to challenge Apollo, the god of the kithara, the mountain-god Tmolus was chosen to umpire. Pan blew on his pipes, and with his rustic melody gave great satisfaction to himself and his faithful follower, Midas, who happened to be present. Then Apollo struck the strings of his lyre. Tmolus at once awarded the victory to Apollo, and all but Midas agreed with the judgment. He dissented and questioned the justice of the award. Apollo would not suffer such a depraved pair of ears any longer, and caused them to become the ears of a donkey.

Marsyas

Marsyas under Apollo’s punishment, İstanbul Archaeology Museum

Apollo has ominous aspects aside from his plague-bringing, death-dealing arrows: Marsyaswas a satyr who challenged Apollo to a contest of music. He had found an aulos on the ground, tossed away after being invented by Athena because it made her cheeks puffy. The contest was judged by the Muses.

After they each performed, both were deemed equal until Apollo decreed they play and sing at the same time. As Apollo played the lyre, this was easy to do. Marsyas could not do this, as he only knew how to use the flute and could not sing at the same time. Apollo was declared the winner because of this. Apollo flayed Marsyas alive in a cave near Celaenae in Phrygia for his hubris to challenge a god. He then nailed Marsyas’ shaggy skin to a nearby pine-tree. Marsyas’ blood turned into the river Marsyas.

Another variation is that Apollo played his instrument (the lyre) upside down. Marsyas could not do this with his instrument (the flute), and so Apollo hung him from a tree and flayed him alive.^[181]

Cinyras

Apollo also had a lyre-playing contest with Cinyras, his son, who committed suicide when he lost.

Head of Apollo, marble, Roman copy of a Greek original of the 4th century BCE, from the collection of Cardinal Albani

Roman Apollo

The Roman worship of Apollo was adopted from the Greeks.^[182]As a quintessentially Greek god, Apollo had no direct Roman equivalent, although later Roman poets often referred to him as Phoebus.^[183]There was a tradition that the Delphic oracle was consulted as early as the period of the kings of Rome during the reign of Tarquinius Superbus.^[184]

On the occasion of a pestilence in the 430s BCE, Apollo’s first temple at Rome was established in the Flaminian fields, replacing an older cult site there known as the « Apollinare ».^[185] During the Second Punic War in 212 BCE, the Ludi Apollinares (« Apollonian Games ») were instituted in his honor, on the instructions of a prophecy attributed to one Marcius.^[186] In the time of Augustus, who considered himself under the special protection of Apollo and was even said to be his son, his worship developed and he became one of the chief gods of Rome.^[187][182]

After the battle of Actium, which was fought near a sanctuary of Apollo, Augustus enlarged Apollo’s temple, dedicated a portion of the spoils to him, and instituted quinquennial games in his honour.^[188] He also erected a new temple to the god on the Palatine hill.^[189] Sacrifices and prayers on the Palatine to Apollo and Dianaformed the culmination of the Secular Games, held in 17 BCE to celebrate the dawn of a new era.^[190]

Festivals

The chief Apollonian festivals were the Boedromia, Carneia, Carpiae, Daphnephoria, Delia, Hyacinthia, Metageitnia, Pyanepsia, Pythiaand Thargelia.

Attributes and symbols

Apollo’s most common attributes were the bow and arrow. Other attributes of his included the kithara (an advanced version of the common lyre), the plectrum and the sword. Another common emblem was the sacrificial tripod, representing his prophetic powers. The Pythian Games were held in Apollo’s honor every four years at Delphi. The bay laurel plant was used in expiatory sacrifices and in making the crown of victory at these games.^[182]

Gold stater of the Seleucid king Antiochus I Soter (reigned 281–261 BCE) showing on the reverse a nude Apollo holding his key attributes: two arrows and a bow

The palm treewas also sacred to Apollo because he had been born under one in Delos. Animals sacred to Apollo included wolves, dolphins, roe deer, swans, cicadas(symbolizing music and song), hawks, ravens, crows, snakes (referencing Apollo’s function as the god of prophecy), mice and griffins, mythical eagle–lion hybrids of Eastern origin.^[182]

Apollo Citharoedus (« Apollo with a kithara »), Musei Capitolini, Rome

As god of colonization, Apollo gave oracular guidance on colonies, especially during the height of colonization, 750–550 BCE.

According to Greek tradition, he helped Cretan or Arcadian colonists found the city of Troy. However, this story may reflect a cultural influence which had the reverse direction: Hittitecuneiform texts mention a Minor Asian god called Appaliunas or Apalunas in connection with the city of Wilusa attested in Hittite inscriptions, which is now generally regarded as being identical with the Greek Ilion by most scholars. In this interpretation, Apollo’s title of Lykegenes can simply be read as « born in Lycia », which effectively severs the god’s supposed link with wolves (possibly a folk etymology).

In literary contexts, Apollo represents harmony, order, and reason—characteristics contrasted with those of Dionysus, god of wine, who represents ecstasy and disorder. The contrast between the roles of these gods is reflected in the adjectives Apollonian and Dionysian. However, the Greeks thought of the two qualities as complementary: the two gods are brothers, and when Apollo at winter left for Hyperborea, he would leave the Delphic oracle to Dionysus. This contrast appears to be shown on the two sides of the Borghese Vase.

Apollo is often associated with the Golden Mean. This is the Greek ideal of moderation and a virtuethat opposes gluttony.

Apollo in the arts

The Louvre Apollo Sauroctonos, Roman copy after Praxiteles (360 BC)

Apollo is a common theme in Greek and Roman art and also in the art of the Renaissance. The earliest Greek word for a statue is « delight » (ἄγαλμα, agalma), and the sculptors tried to create forms which would inspire such guiding vision. Greek art puts into Apollo the highest degree of power and beauty that can be imagined. The sculptors derived this from observations on human beings, but they also embodied in concrete form, issues beyond the reach of ordinary thought.

The naked bodies of the statues are associated with the cult of the body that was essentially a religious activity. The muscular frames and limbs combined with slim waists indicate the Greek desire for health, and the physical capacity which was necessary in the hard Greek environment. The statues of Apollo embody beauty, balance and inspire awe before the beauty of the world.

The evolution of the Greek sculpture can be observed in his depictions from the almost static formal Kouros type in early archaic period, to the representation of motion in a relative harmonious whole in late archaic period. In classical Greecethe emphasis is not given to the illusive imaginative reality represented by the ideal forms, but to the analogies and the interaction of the members in the whole, a method created by Polykleitos. Finally Praxiteles seems to be released from any art and religious conformities, and his masterpieces are a mixture of naturalismwith stylization.

Art and Greek philosophy

The evolution of the Greek art seems to go parallel with the Greek philosophical conceptions, which changed from the natural-philosophy of Thales to the metaphysical theory of Pythagoras. Thales searched for a simple material-form directly perceptible by the senses, behind the appearances of things, and his theory is also related to the older animism. This was paralleled in sculpture by the absolute representation of vigorous life, through unnaturally simplified forms.^[191]

Pythagoras believed that behind the appearance of things, there was the permanent principle of mathematics, and that the forms were based on a transcendental mathematical relation.^[100] The forms on earth, are imperfect imitations (εἰκόνες, eikones, « images ») of the celestial world of numbers. His ideas had a great influence on post-Archaic art. The Greek architects and sculptors were always trying to find the mathematical relation, that would lead to the esthetic perfection.^[192] (canon).

In classical Greece, Anaxagoras asserted that a divine reason (mind) gave order to the seeds of the universe, and Plato extended the Greek belief of ideal forms to his metaphysical theory of forms(ideai, « ideas »). The forms on earth are imperfect duplicates of the intellectual celestial ideas. The Greek words oida (οἶδα, « (I) know ») and eidos(εἶδος, « species »), a thing seen, have the same root as the word idea (ἰδέα), a thing ἰδείν to see.^[193][194] indicating how the Greek mind moved from the gift of the senses, to the principles beyond the senses. The artists in Plato’s time moved away from his theories and art tends to be a mixture of naturalism with stylization. The Greek sculptors considered the senses more important, and the proportions were used to unite the sensible with the intellectual.

Archaic sculpture

Sacred Gate Kouros, marble (610–600 BC), Kerameikos Archaeological Museum in Athens

Kouros (male youth) is the modern term given to those representations of standing male youths which first appear in the archaic period in Greece. This type served certain religious needs and was first proposed for what was previously thought to be depictions of Apollo.^[195][196] The first statues are certainly still and formal. The formality of their stance seems to be related with the Egyptian precedent, but it was accepted for a good reason. The sculptors had a clear idea of what a young man is, and embodied the archaic smile of good manners, the firm and springy step, the balance of the body, dignity, and youthful happiness. When they tried to depict the most abiding qualities of men, it was because men had common roots with the unchanging gods.^[197] The adoption of a standard recognizable type for a long time, is probably because nature gives preference in survival of a type which has long be adopted by the climatic conditions, and also due to the general Greek belief that nature expresses itself in ideal formsthat can be imagined and represented.^[192] These forms expressed immortality. Apollo was the immortal god of ideal balance and order. His shrine in Delphi, that he shared in winter with Dionysius had the inscriptions: γνῶθι σεαυτόν(gnōthi seautón= »know thyself ») and μηδὲν ἄγαν(mēdén ágan, « nothing in excess »), and ἐγγύα πάρα δ’ἄτη (eggýa pára d’atē, « make a pledge and mischief is nigh »).^[198]

New York Kouros, Met. Mus. 32.11.1, marble (620–610 BC), Metropolitan Museum of Art

In the first large-scale depictions during the early archaic period (640–580 BC), the artists tried to draw one’s attention to look into the interior of the face and the body which were not represented as lifeless masses, but as being full of life. The Greeks maintained, until late in their civilization, an almost animistic idea that the statues are in some sense alive. This embodies the belief that the image was somehow the god or man himself.^[199] A fine example is the statue of the Sacred Gate Kouroswhich was found at the cemetery of Dipylon in Athens (Dipylon Kouros). The statue is the « thing in itself », and his slender face with the deep eyes express an intellectual eternity. According to the Greek tradition the Dipylon master was named Daedalus, and in his statues the limbs were freed from the body, giving the impression that the statues could move. It is considered that he created also the New York kouros, which is the oldest fully preserved statue of Kouros type, and seems to be the incarnation of the god himself.^[191]

Piraeus Apollo, archaic-style bronze, Archaeological Museum of Piraeus

The animistic idea as the representation of the imaginative reality, is sanctified in the Homeric poems and in Greek myths, in stories of the god Hephaestus(Phaistos) and the mythic Daedalus (the builder of the labyrinth) that made images which moved of their own accord. This kind of art goes back to the Minoan period, when its main theme was the representation of motion in a specific moment.^[200] These free-standing statues were usually marble, but also the form rendered in limestone, bronze, ivory and terracotta.

The earliest examples of life-sized statues of Apollo, may be two figures from the Ionicsanctuary on the island of Delos. Such statues were found across the Greek speaking world, the preponderance of these were found at the sanctuaries of Apollo with more than one hundred from the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios, Boeotiaalone.^[201] The last stage in the development of the Kouros type is the late archaic period (520–485 BC), in which the Greek sculpture attained a full knowledge of human anatomy and used to create a relative harmonious whole. Ranking from the very few bronzes survived to us is the masterpiece bronze Piraeus Apollo. It was found in Piraeus, the harbour of Athens. The statue originally held the bow in its left hand, and a cup of pouring libation in its right hand. It probably comes from north-eastern Peloponnesus. The emphasis is given in anatomy, and it is one of the first attempts to represent a kind of motion, and beauty relative to proportions, which appear mostly in post-Archaic art. The statue throws some light on an artistic centre which, with an independently developed harder, simpler and heavier style, restricts Ionian influence in Athens. Finally, this is the germ from which the art of Polykleitos was to grow two or three generations later.^[202]

Classical sculpture

Apollo of the « Mantoua type », marble Roman copy after a 5th-century BCE Greek original attributed to Polykleitos, Musée du Louvre

At the beginning of the Classical period, it was considered that beauty in visible things as in everything else, consisted of symmetry and proportions. The artists tried also to represent motion in a specific moment (Myron), which may be considered as the reappearance of the dormant Minoanelement.^[200] Anatomy and geometry are fused in one, and each does something to the other. The Greek sculptors tried to clarify it by looking for mathematical proportions, just as they sought some reality behind appearances. Polykleitos in his Canon wrote that beauty consists in the proportion not of the elements (materials), but of the parts, that is the interrelation of parts with one another and with the whole. It seems that he was influenced by the theories of Pythagoras.^[203] The famous Apollo of Mantua and its variants are early forms of the Apollo Citharoedus statue type, in which the god holds the cithara in his left arm. The type is represented by neo-Attic Imperial Roman copies of the late 1st or early 2nd century, modelled upon a supposed Greek bronze original made in the second quarter of the 5th century BCE, in a style similar to works of Polykleitos but more archaic. The Apollo held the cythara against his extended left arm, of which in the Louvre example, a fragment of one twisting scrolling horn upright remains against his biceps.

Though the proportions were always important in Greek art, the appeal of the Greek sculptures eludes any explanation by proportion alone. The statues of Apollo were thought to incarnate his living presence, and these representations of illusive imaginative reality had deep roots in the Minoan period, and in the beliefs of the first Greekspeaking people who entered the region during the bronze-age. Just as the Greeks saw the mountains, forests, sea and rivers as inhabited by concrete beings, so nature in all of its manifestations possesses clear form, and the form of a work of art. Spiritual life is incorporated in matter, when it is given artistic form. Just as in the arts the Greeks sought some reality behind appearances, so in mathematics they sought permanent principles which could be applied wherever the conditions were the same. Artists and sculptors tried to find this ideal order in relation with mathematics, but they believed that this ideal order revealed itself not so much to the dispassionate intellect, as to the whole sentient self.^[191] Things as we see them, and as they really are, are one, that each stresses the nature of the other in a single unity.

Pediments and friezes

Apollo, West Pediment Olympia. Munich, copy from original, 460 BCE at the Temple of Zeus, Olympia, Greece.

In the archaic pediments and friezes of the temples, the artists had a problem to fit a group of figures into an isosceles triangle with acute angles at the base.

The Siphnian Treasury in Delphi was one of the first Greek buildings utilizing the solution to put the dominating form in the middle, and to complete the descending scale of height with other figures sitting or kneeling. The pediment shows the story of Heracles stealing Apollo’s tripod that was strongly associated with his oracular inspiration. Their two figures hold the centre. In the pediment of the temple of Zeus in Olympia, the single figure of Apollo is dominating the scene.^[197]

Head of the Apollo Belvedere

These representations rely on presenting scenes directly to the eye for their own visible sake. They care for the schematic arrangements of bodies in space, but only as parts in a larger whole. While each scene has its own character and completeness it must fit into the general sequence to which it belongs. In these archaic pediments the sculptors use empty intervals, to suggest a passage to and from a busy battlefield. The artists seem to have been dominated by geometrical pattern and order, and this was improved when classical art brought a greater freedom and economy.^[197]

Hellenistic Greece-Rome

Apollo as a handsome beardless young man, is often depicted with a kithara (as Apollo Citharoedus) or bow in his hand, or reclining on a tree (the Apollo Lykeios and Apollo Sauroctonostypes). The Apollo Belvedere is a marblesculpture that was rediscovered in the late 15th century; for centuries it epitomized the ideals of Classical Antiquity for Europeans, from the Renaissance through the 19th century. The marble is a Hellenistic or Roman copy of a bronze original by the Greek sculptor Leochares, made between 350 and 325 BCE.

The life-size so-called « Adonis » found in 1780 on the site of a villa suburbana near the Via Labicanain the Roman suburb of Centocelle is identified as an Apollo by modern scholars. In the late 2nd century CE floor mosaic from El Djem, Roman Thysdrus, he is identifiable as Apollo Helios by his effulgent halo, though now even a god’s divine nakedness is concealed by his cloak, a mark of increasing conventions of modesty in the later Empire.

Another haloed Apollo in mosaic, from Hadrumentum, is in the museum at Sousse.^[204]The conventions of this representation, head tilted, lips slightly parted, large-eyed, curling hair cut in locks grazing the neck, were developed in the 3rd century BCE to depict Alexander the Great.^[205] Some time after this mosaic was executed, the earliest depictions of Christ would also be beardless and haloed.

Modern reception

Apollo has often featured in postclassical art and literature. Percy Bysshe Shelley composed a « Hymn of Apollo » (1820), and the god’s instruction of the Muses formed the subject of Igor Stravinsky‘s Apollon musagète (1927–1928). In 1978, the Canadian band Rush released an album with songs « Apollo: Bringer of Wisdom »/ »Dionysus: Bringer of Love ».

In discussion of the arts, a distinction is sometimes made between the Apollonian and Dionysian impulses where the former is concerned with imposing intellectual order and the latter with chaotic creativity. Friedrich Nietzscheargued that a fusion of the two was most desirable. Carl Jung‘s Apollo archetyperepresents what he saw as the disposition in people to over-intellectualise and maintain emotional distance.

Charles Handy, in Gods of Management (1978) uses Greek gods as a metaphor to portray various types of organisational culture. Apollo represents a ‘role’ culture where order, reason and bureaucracy prevail.^[206]

In spaceflight, the NASA program for landing astronauts on the Moon was named Apollo.

Genealogy

Left: Surya on a quadriga, Bodh Gaya relief, India. Right: Classical example of Phoebus Apollo on quadriga.

The Overthrow of Apollo and the Pagan Gods, watercolour from William Blake’s illustrations of On the Morning of Christ’s Nativity (1809)

[hide]Apollo’s family tree [207]
Uranus Gaia Uranus’ genitals Coeus Phoebe Cronus Rhea Leto Zeus Hera Poseidon Hades Demeter Hestia APOLLO Artemis     a [208]      b [209] Ares Hephaestus Metis Athena[210] Maia Hermes Semele Dionysus Dione     a [211]      b [212] Aphrodite

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Notes

1. Jump up^ Krauskopf, I. 2006. « The Grave and Beyond. » The Religion of the Etruscans. edited by N. de Grummond and E. Simon. Austin: University of Texas Press. p. vii, p. 73-75.
2. Jump up^ For the iconography of the Alexander–Helios type, see H. Hoffmann, 1963. « Helios », in Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 2, pp. 117–23; cf. Yalouris 1980, no. 42.
3. Jump up^ Joseph Fontenrose, « Apollo and Sol in the Latin poets of the first century BC », Transactions of the American Philological Association 30(1939), pp 439–55; « Apollo and the Sun-God in Ovid », American Journal of Philology 61 (1940) pp 429–44; and « Apollo and Sol in the Oaths of Aeneas and Latinus » Classical Philology 38.2 (April 1943), pp. 137–138.
4. Jump up^ R. S. P. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Brill, 2009, p. 118.
5. Jump up^ Herda, Alexander (2008). « Apollon Delphinios – Apollon Didymeus: Zwei Gesichter eines milesischen Gottes und ihr Bezug zur Kolonisation Milets in archaischer Zeit ». Internationale Archäologie (in German). Arbeitsgemeinschaft, Symposium, Tagung, Kongress. Band 11: Kult(ur)kontakte. Apollon in Milet/Didyma, Histria, Myus, Naukratis und auf Zypern. Akten des Table Ronde in Mainz vom 11.–12. März 2004: 16. ISBN 978-3-89646-441-5.
6. Jump up^ « KN 842 E », DĀMOS: Database of Mycenaean at Oslo, University of Oslo. Department of Philosophy, Classics, History of Art and Ideas.
7. ^ Jump up to:^a b c van der Toorn, Karel; Becking, Bob; van der Horst, Pieter Willem (1999). Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible. Brill. p. 73. ISBN 978-90-04-11119-6.
8. Jump up^ « The young men became grown-up kouroi, and Apollon was the « megistos kouros » (The Great Kouros) : Jane Ellen Harrison (2010): Themis: A study to the Social origins of Greek Religion Cambridge University Press. pp. 439–441, ISBN 1108009492
9. Jump up^ Visible Religion. Volume IV–V. Approaches to Iconology. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1985 p. 143 [1]
10. ^ Jump up to:^a b The word usually appears in plural: Hesychius: ἀπέλλαι (apellai), σηκοί (« folds »), ἐκκλησίαι (« assemblies »), ἀρχαιρεσίαι(« elections »): Nilsson, Vol. I, p. 556
11. Jump up^ Doric Greek verb: ἀπέλλάζειν (« to assemble »), and the festival ἀπέλλαι (apellai), which surely belonged to Apollo. Nilsson, Vol I, p. 556.
12. Jump up^ Beekes, 2009, pp. 115 and 118–119.
13. Jump up^ Mike Campbell. « Meaning, Origin and History of the Name Apollo ». Behind the Name. Retrieved 30 July 2013.
14. Jump up^ The ἁπλοῦν suggestion is repeated by Plutarch in Moralia in the sense of « unity« .
15. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Freese 1911, p. 184.
16. Jump up^ R. S. P. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Brill, 2009, p. 1168.
17. Jump up^ Πέλλα / Pella, Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek–English Lexicon
18. Jump up^ Nilsson Vol I, p.558
19. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson, Die Geschichte der Griechische Religion, vol. I (C. H. Beck), 1955:555–564.
20. Jump up^ The reading of Apaliunas and the possible identification with Apollo is due to Emil Forrer(1931). It was doubted by Kretschmer, GlottaXXIV, p. 250. Martin Nilsson (1967), Vol I, p. 559
21. ^ Jump up to:^a b de Grummond, Nancy Thomson (2006) Etruscan Myth, Sacred History, and Legend. (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology); Mackenzie, Donald A. (2005) Myths of Babylonia and Assyria (Gutenberg)
22. Jump up^ Angel, John L.; Mellink, Machteld Johanna (1986). Troy and the Trojan War: A Symposium Held at Bryn Mawr College, October 1984. Bryn Mawr Commentaries. p. 42. ISBN 978-0-929524-59-7.
23. Jump up^ Immerwahr, Sara Anderson; Chapin, Anne Proctor (2004). Charis: Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr. Amer School of Classical. p. 254. ISBN 978-0-87661-533-1.
24. Jump up^ R. S. P. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Brill, 2009, p. 1582.
25. Jump up^ Apollonius of Rhodes, iv. 1730; Pseudo-Apollodorus, Biblioteca, i. 9. § 26
26. ^ Jump up to:^a b c d Álvaro Jr., Santos, Allan. Simbolismo divino. Allan Álvaro, Jr., Santos.
27. Jump up^ Aelian, On the Nature of Animals 4. 4 (A.F. Scholfield, tr.)
28. Jump up^ Ovid, Metamorphoses xiii. 715
29. Jump up^ Strabo, x. p. 451
30. Jump up^ Wiliam Smith. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology Acraepheus
31. ^ Jump up to:^a b Σμινθεύς in Liddell and Scott
32. Jump up^ The epithet « Smintheus » has historically been confused with σμίνθος, « mouse », in association with Apollo’s role as a god of disease
33. Jump up^ Smith, William (1873). « Acesius ». Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. London. At the Perseus Project.
34. Jump up^ Euripides, Andromache 901
35. Jump up^ παιών
36. Jump up^ κλάρος
37. Jump up^ Μουσαγέτας in Liddell and Scott.
38. Jump up^ Miranda J. Green, Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend, Thames and Hudson Ltd, 1997
39. Jump up^ Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XIII, 1863–1986; A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain, 1967; M.J. Green, The Gods of the Celts, 1986, London
40. Jump up^ J. Zwicker, Fontes Historiae Religionis Celticae, 1934–36, Berlin; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum V, XI, XII, XIII; J. Gourcest, « Le culte de Belenos en Provence occidentale et en Gaule », Ogam 6.6 (1954:257–262); E. Thevonot, « Le cheval sacre dans la Gaule de l’Est », Revue archeologique de l’Est et du Centre-Est (vol 2), 1951; [], « Temoignages du culte de l’Apollon gaulois dans l’Helvetie romaine », Revue celtique(vol 51), 1934.
41. Jump up^ W.J. Wedlake, The Excavation of the Shrine of Apollo at Nettleton, Wiltshire, 1956–1971, Society of Antiquaries of London, 1982.
42. Jump up^ M. Szabo, The Celtic Heritage in Hungary(Budapest 1971)
43. ^ Jump up to:^a b Divinites et sanctuaires de la Gaule, E. Thevonat, 1968, Paris
44. ^ Jump up to:^a b La religion des Celtes, J. de Vries, 1963, Paris
45. Jump up^ J. Le Gall, Alesia, archeologie et histoire(Paris 1963).
46. Jump up^ Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XIII
47. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967) ».Die Geschicte der Giechischen Religion.Vol I ».C.F.Beck Verlag.Munchen. p 529
48. Jump up^ Burkert, Walter. Greek Religion, 1985:144.
49. ^ Jump up to:^a b Martin Nilsson. Die Geschichte der Griechische Religion Vol I, pp. 563–564
50. Jump up^ Paieon (Παιήων) puts pain-relieving medicines on the wounds of Pluton and Ares ( Ilias E401). This art is related with Egypt: (Odyssey D232): M. Nilsson Vol I, p. 543
51. Jump up^ Schofield, Louise (2007). The Mycenaeans. The British Museum Press. p. 160. ISBN 978-0-89236-867-9.
52. Jump up^ « KN V 52+ ». Deaditerranean: Minoan Linear A & Mycenaean Linear B.
53. Jump up^ Chadwick, John (1976). The Mycenaean World. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 89. ISBN 0-521-29037-6. At Google Books.
54. Jump up^ Ἐπὶ καταπαύσει λοιμῶν καὶ νόσων ᾄδόμενος. Which is sung to stop the plagues and the diseases. Proklos: Chrestom from Photios Bibl. code. 239, p. 321: Martin Nilsson. Die Geschicthe der Griechischen religion. Vol I, p. 543
55. ^ Jump up to:^a b « The conception that the diseases come from invisible shots sent by magicians or supernatural beings is common in primitive people and also in European folklore. In North-Europe they speak of the « Elf-shots« . In Sweden where the Lapps were called magicians, they speak of the « Lappen-shots ». Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 541
56. Jump up^ Ilias A 314. Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 543
57. Jump up^ [2]: Harper’s Dictionary of classical antiquity
58. Jump up^ Perseus.tufts.edu
59. Jump up^ Pausanias VIII 41, 8-IV 34, 7-Sittig. Nom P. 48. f-Aristoph. Vesp. V. 61-Paus. I 3, 4. Martin Nilsson (1967) Vol I, p. 540, 544
60. Jump up^ Graf, Fritz (2008). Apollo. Taylor & Francis. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-203-58171-1.
61. Jump up^ « Apollo Victorious over the Python ». The Walters Art Museum. Retrieved 21 June 2013.
62. Jump up^ Graf, Apollo, pp. 104–113; Burkert also notes in this context Archilochus Fr. 94.
63. Jump up^ Walter Burkert (1985) Greek Religion. Harvard University Press. p. 255
64. Jump up^ Jane Ellen Harrison (2010): Themis: A study to the Social origins of Greek Religion. Cambridge University Press. p. 441. ISBN 1108009492
65. Jump up^ Compare: Baetylus. In Semitic: sacred stone
66. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I. p. 556
67. Jump up^ Herbert W. Park (1956). The delphic oracle. Vol.I, p. 3
68. Jump up^ Lewis Farnel(1909)The cult of the city states. Clarendon Press. VIII. pp. 8–10
69. Jump up^ δελφύς
70. Jump up^ « Many pictures show the serpent Python living in amity with Apollo and guarding the Omphalos. Karl Kerenyi (1951). ed. 1980: The gods of the Greeks, pp. 36–37
71. Jump up^ « In a Pompeian fresco Python is lying peacefully on the ground and the priests with the sacred double axe in their hand bring the bull (bouphronion). Jane. H. Harisson (1912): Themis. A study of the social origins of the Greek religion. Cambridge University Press. pp. 423–424
72. Jump up^ In Minoan religion the serpent is the protector of the household (underground stored corn). Also in Greek religion, « snake of the house » (οἰκουρὸς ὄφις) in the temple of Athena at Acropolis, etc., and in Greek folklore. Martin Nilsson, Vol.I, pp. 213–214
73. Jump up^ Nordig sagas. Hittite myth of Illuyankas. Also in the Bible: Leviathan. W. Porzig (1930). Illuyankas and Typhon. Kleinasiatische Forschung, pp. 379–386
74. ^ Jump up to:^a b . Martin Nilsson (1967), Vol I, pp. 499–500
75. Jump up^ Hall, Alaric. 2005. ‘Getting Shot of Elves: Healing, Witchcraft and Fairies in the Scottish Witchcraft Trials’, [3], 116 (2005), pp. 19–36.
76. Jump up^ For Śarva as a name of Shiva see: Apte, p. 910.
77. Jump up^ For association between Rudra and disease, with Rigvedic references, see: Bhandarkar, p. 146.
78. Jump up^ Odyssey 8.80
79. Jump up^ Huxley (1975). Cretan Paewones. Roman and Byzantine studies, pp. 129–134
80. Jump up^ H.G.Wunderlich. The secret of Creta Souvenir Press Ltd. London p. 319
81. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 554 A4
82. Jump up^ Hugh Bowden (2005). Classical Athens and the Delphic oracle, pp. 17–18
83. Jump up^ William J. Broad (2006). The oracle: the lost secrets and hidden message of ancient Delphi. Penguin Group USA. p. 32. ISBN 1-59420-081-5.
84. Jump up^ μάντις in Liddell and Scott.
85. Jump up^ Walter Burkert (1985).The Greek religion. p. 116
86. Jump up^ F.Schachermeyer (1964). p. 128
87. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, pp. 543–545
88. Jump up^ Plutarch, Life of Solon, 12; Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 1.
89. Jump up^ Paul Kretschmer (1936). Glotta XXIV p. 250. Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 559.
90. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson, Die Geschichte der Griechische Religion. vol. I (C. H. Beck), 1955:563f.
91. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 561.
92. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I. pp. 559–560.
93. Jump up^ « You Apollo Smintheus, let my tears become your arrows against the Danaans, for revenge ». Iliad 1.33 (A 33).
94. Jump up^ An ancient aetiological myth connects sminthos with mouse and suggests Cretan origin. Apollo is the mouse-god (Strabo 13.1.48).
95. Jump up^ « Sminthia » in several areas of Greece. In Rhodes (Lindos) they belong to Apollo and Dionysos who have destroyed the rats that were swallowing the grapes ». Martin Nilsson (1967). pp. 534–535.
96. Jump up^ Burkert 1985:143.
97. Jump up^ Herodotus, 1.46.
98. Jump up^ Lucian (attrib.), De Dea Syria 35–37.
99. Jump up^ To know what a thing is, we must know the look of it »: Rhys Carpenter: The esthetic basis of Greek art. Indiana University Press. p. 108
100. ^ Jump up to:^a b C. M. Bowra (1957). The Greek experience, p. 166.
101. Jump up^ William Dinsmoor (1950),The architecture of Ancient Greece, p. 218, ISBN 0-8196-0283-3
102. ^ Jump up to:^a b William Smith. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, John Murray, London, 1875. p. 384
103. Jump up^ Hellenic Ministry of culture, Temple of Apollo Daphnephoros Archived 12 September 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
104. Jump up^ Rufus B. Richardson, « A Temple in Eretria » The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts, 10.3 (July – September 1895:326–337)
105. Jump up^ Martin Nilsson (1967). Vol I, p. 529
106. Jump up^ Robertson pp. 56 and 323
107. ^ Jump up to:^a b Spivey, p. 112
108. Jump up^ Robertson p. 87
109. ^ Jump up to:^a b c d D.S Robertson(1945):A handbook of Greek and Roman architecture, Cambridge University Press pp. 324-329
110. Jump up^ Robertson, p. 98
111. Jump up^ Mertens 2006, pp. 104–109.
112. Jump up^ IG XIV 269
113. Jump up^ Temple of Apollo at Delphi, Ancient-Greece.org
114. Jump up^ Smith, William (1850). New classical dictionary of biography, mythology, and geography. p. 1. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
115. Jump up^ See reports of the German Archaeological Institute in Archaeological Reports for 2008/9 43-45
116. Jump up^ Hellenic Ministry of Culture: The Temple of Epicurean Apollo.
117. Jump up^ Temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassae, World Heritage Site.
118. Jump up^ Ministry of culture. Temple of Apollo Pythios Sotir Archived 2 December 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
119. Jump up^ Peter Schneider: Neue Funde vom archaischen Apollontempel in Didyma. In: Ernst-Ludwig Schwandner (ed.): Säule und Gebälk. Zu Struktur und Wandlungsprozeß griechisch-römischer Architektur. Bauforschungskolloquium in Berlin vom 16.-18. Juni 1994. Diskussionen zur Archäologischen Bauforschung
120. Jump up^ perseus tufts Clarus
121. Jump up^ Prophecy centre of Apollo Clarius
122. Jump up^ Bresson (2007) 154-5, citing the excavations reports of Özgünel (2001).
123. Jump up^ Robertson p.333
124. ^ Jump up to:^a b Robertson pp. 200-201
125. Jump up^ Perseus tufts: Falerii Veteres
126. Jump up^ Davidson CSA :Temple of Apollo, PompeiiArchived 6 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine.
127. Jump up^ Livy 4.25
128. Jump up^ Livy 34.43
129. Jump up^ A topographical dictionary of Ancient Rome
130. Jump up^ Testa, Michael (19 March 2002). « New find at Mdina most important so far in old capital ». Times of Malta. Archived from the original on 13 April 2016.
131. Jump up^ ἑβδομαγενής in Liddell and Scott.
132. Jump up^ Children of the Gods by Kenneth McLeish, page 32.
133. Jump up^ Pseudo-Apollodorus, Bibliothke iii. 10.4.
134. Jump up^ « The love-stories themselves were not told until later. » Karl Kerenyi, The Gods of the Greeks 1951:140.
135. Jump up^ The ancient Daphne episode is noted in late narratives, notably in Ovid, Metamorphoses, in Hyginus, Fabulae, 203 and by the fourth-century-CE teacher of rhetoric and Christian convert, Libanius, in Narrationes.
136. Jump up^ G. Shipley, « The Extent of Spartan Territory in the Late Classical and Hellenistic Periods », The Annual of the British School at Athens, 2000.
137. Jump up^ Pausanias, 3.24.8 (on-line text); Lilius Gregorius Gyraldus, Historiae Deorum Gentilium, Basel, 1548, Syntagma 10, is noted in this connection in Benjamin Hederich,Gründliches mythologisches Lexikon, 1770
138. Jump up^ Karl Kerenyi, The Gods of the Greeks, 1951:141
139. Jump up^ Rufus B. Richardson, « A Temple in Eretria » The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts, 10.3 (July – September 1895:326–337); Paul Auberson, Eretria. Fouilles et Recherches I, Temple d’Apollon Daphnéphoros, Architecture (Bern, 1968). See also Plutarch, Pythian Oracle, 16.
140. Jump up^ Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.3.4. Other ancient sources, however, gave the Corybantes different parents; see Sir James Frazer‘s noteon the passage in the Bibliotheca.
141. Jump up^ Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, 1491 ff
142. Jump up^ Scholia on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, 1491 ff
143. Jump up^ Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10. 16. 5
144. Jump up^ Pseudo-Plutarch, On Rivers, 7. 1
145. Jump up^ Photius, Lexicon s. v. Linos
146. Jump up^ Servius on Virgil‘s Eclogue 1, 65
147. Jump up^ Photius, Lexicon, s. v. Eumolpidai
148. Jump up^ Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, 7. 56 – 57 p. 196
149. Jump up^ Scholia on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, 2. 498
150. Jump up^ Tzetzes on Lycophron, 77
151. Jump up^ Scholia on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica4.828, referring to « Hesiod« , Megalai Ehoiai fr.
152. Jump up^ Tzetzes on Lycophron, 266
153. Jump up^ Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, 4. 26; not the same as Hypsipyle of Lemnos
154. Jump up^ Servius on Aeneid, 3. 332
155. Jump up^ Stephanus of Byzantium s. v. Patara
156. Jump up^ Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.10.6.
157. Jump up^ Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.10.6, 26.1.
158. Jump up^ Photius, Lexicon, s. v. Kynneios
159. Jump up^ Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, 4. 26
160. Jump up^ Etymologicum Magnum 507, 54, under Keios
161. Jump up^ Etymologicum Magnum 513, 37, under Kikones
162. Jump up^ Stephanus of Byzantium, s. v. Galeōtai
163. Jump up^ Stephanus of Byzantium, s. v. Akraiphia
164. Jump up^ Scholia on Pindar, Pythian Ode 4. 181
165. Jump up^ Suda s. v. Marathōn
166. Jump up^ Stephanus of Byzantium s. v Megara
167. Jump up^ Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8. 25. 4
168. Jump up^ Stephanus of Byzantium s. v. Ogkeion
169. Jump up^ Servius on Aeneid, 10. 179
170. Jump up^ αἰαῖ, αἴ in Liddell and Scott.
171. Jump up^ Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 49.
172. ^ Jump up to:^a b Plutarch, Life of Numa, 4. 5.
173. Jump up^ Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 11. 258; 19. 181.
174. Jump up^ Philostratus, Letters, 5. 3.
175. Jump up^ Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses, 23.
176. Jump up^ Servius on Aeneid, 3. 279.
177. Jump up^ Plutarch, Life of Numa, 4. 5, cf. also Hyginus, Poetical Astronomy, 2. 14.
178. Jump up^ Clement of Rome, Homilia, 5. 15.
179. Jump up^ « English translation of the Homeric Hymn to Hermes ». Perseus. Retrieved 28 January2015.
180. Jump up^ Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo2.5
181. Jump up^ Man Myth and Magic by Richard Cavendish
182. ^ Jump up to:^a b c d Freese 1911, p. 185.
183. Jump up^ « Koronis ». Theoi. Retrieved 30 July 2013.
184. Jump up^ Livy 1.56.
185. Jump up^ Livy 3.63.7, 4.25.3.
186. Jump up^ Livy 25.12.
187. Jump up^ J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz (1979). Continuity and Change in Roman Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 82–85. ISBN 0-19-814822-4.
188. Jump up^ Suetonius, Augustus 18.2; Cassius Dio51.1.1–3.
189. Jump up^ Cassius Dio 53.1.3.
190. Jump up^ Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 5050, translated by Beard, Mary; North, John; Price, Simon (1998). Religions of Rome: Volume 2: A Sourcebook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 5.7b. ISBN 0-521-45015-2.
191. ^ Jump up to:^a b c E. Homann-Wedeking. Transl. J.R. Foster (1968). Art of the world. Archaic Greece, Methuen & Co Ltd. London, pp. 63–65, 193.
192. ^ Jump up to:^a b R. Carpenter (1975). The esthetic basis of Greek art. Indiana University Press. pp. 55–58.
193. Jump up^ ”The same root of looking or seeing” . R. Carpenter (1975). The esthetic basis of Greek art. Indiana University Press. p.107.
194. Jump up^ idea
195. Jump up^ V.I. Leonardos(1895). Archaelogiki Ephimeris, Col 75, n 1.
196. Jump up^ Lechat (1904). La sculpture Attic avant Phidias, p. 23.
197. ^ Jump up to:^a b c C. M. Bowra (1957). The Greek experience, pp. 144–152.
198. Jump up^ See ἄτη in Liddell and Scott.
199. Jump up^ C.M. Bowra. The Greek experience, p. 159.
200. ^ Jump up to:^a b F. Schachermeyer (1964). Die Minoische Kultur des alten Creta, Kohlhammer Stuttgart, pp. 242–244.
201. Jump up^ J. Ducat (1971). Les Kouroi des Ptoion.
202. Jump up^ Homann-Wedeking (1966). Art of the World. Archaic Greece, pp. 144–150.
203. Jump up^ « Each part (finger, palm, arm, etc.) transmitted its individual existence to the next, and then to the whole » : Canon of Polykleitos, also Plotinus, Ennead I vi. i: Nigel Spivey (1997). Greek art, Phaidon Press Ltd. London. pp. 290–294.
204. Jump up^ « Mosaics in Tunisia: Apollo and the Muses ». Web.archive.org. 8 July 2008. Archived from the original on 8 July 2008. Retrieved 30 July2013.
205. Jump up^ Bieber 1964, Yalouris 1980.
206. Jump up^ British Library: Management and Business Studies Portal, Charles Handy Archived 12 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine., accessed 12 November 2016
207. Jump up^ This chart is based upon Hesiod‘s Theogony, unless otherwise noted.
208. Jump up^ According to Homer, Iliad 1.570–579, 14.338, Odyssey 8.312, Hephaestus was apparently the son of Hera and Zeus, see Gantz, p. 74.
209. Jump up^ According to Hesiod, Theogony 927–929, Hephaestus was produced by Hera alone, with no father, see Gantz, p. 74.
210. Jump up^ According to Hesiod‘s Theogony 886–890, of Zeus’ children by his seven wives, Athena was the first to be conceived, but the last to be born; Zeus impregnated Metis then swallowed her, later Zeus himself gave birth to Athena « from his head », see Gantz, pp. 51–52, 83–84.
211. Jump up^ According to Hesiod, Theogony 183–200, Aphrodite was born from Uranus’ severed genitals, see Gantz, pp. 99–100.
212. Jump up^ According to Homer, Aphrodite was the daughter of Zeus (Iliad 3.374, 20.105; Odyssey 8.308, 320) and Dione (Iliad5.370–71), see Gantz, pp. 99–100.

References

Primary sources

• Hesiod, Theogony, in The Homeric Hymns and Homerica with an English Translation by Hugh G. Evelyn-White, Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1914. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
• Homer, The Iliad with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, Ph.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1924. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
• Homer; The Odyssey with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, PH.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1919. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
• Sophocles, Oedipus Rex
• Palaephatus, On Unbelievable Tales 46. Hyacinthus (330 BCE)
• Apollodorus, Apollodorus, The Library, with an English Translation by Sir James George Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S. in 2 Volumes.Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1921. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
• Ovid, Metamorphoses 10. 162–219 (1–8 CE)
• Pausanias, Pausanias Description of Greece with an English Translation by W.H.S. Jones, Litt.D., and H.A. Ormerod, M.A., in 4 Volumes.Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1918. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library.
• Philostratus the Elder, Images i.24 Hyacinthus (170–245 CE)
• Philostratus the Younger, Images 14. Hyacinthus (170–245 CE)
• Lucian, Dialogues of the Gods 14 (170 CE)
• First Vatican Mythographer, 197. Thamyris et Musae

Secondary sources

• M. Bieber, 1964. Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art. Chicago.
• Hugh Bowden, 2005. Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle: Divination and Democracy. Cambridge University Press.
• Walter Burkert, 1985. Greek Religion (Harvard University Press) III.2.5 passim
•  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Freese, John Henry (1911). « Apollo« . In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica. 2 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 184–186.
• Gantz, Timothy, Early Greek Myth: A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, Two volumes: ISBN978-0-8018-5360-9 (Vol. 1), ISBN978-0-8018-5362-3 (Vol. 2).
• Fritz Graf (2009). Apollo. Taylor & Francis US. ISBN 978-0-415-31711-5.
• Robert Graves, 1960. The Greek Myths, revised edition. Penguin.
• Miranda J. Green, 1997. Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend, Thames and Hudson.
• Karl Kerenyi, 1953. Apollon: Studien über Antiken Religion und Humanität revised edition.
• Karl Kerenyi, 1951. The Gods of the Greeks
• Mertens, Dieter; Schutzenberger, Margareta. Città e monumenti dei Greci d’Occidente: dalla colonizzazione alla crisi di fine V secolo a.C.. Roma L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2006. ISBN88-8265-367-6.
• Martin Nilsson, 1955. Die Geschichte der Griechische Religion, vol. I. C.H. Beck.
• Pauly–Wissowa, Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft: II, « Apollon ». The best repertory of cult sites (Burkert).
• Pfeiff, K.A., 1943. Apollon: Wandlung seines Bildes in der griechischen Kunst. Traces the changing iconography of Apollo.
• D.S.Robertson (1945) A handbook of Greek and Roman Architecture Cambridge University Press
• Smith, William; Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, London (1873). « Apollo »
• Spivey Nigel (1997) Greek art Phaedon Press Ltd.

Apollo.

• Apollo at the Greek Mythology Link, by Carlos Parada

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apollo

http://www.giacobbegiusti.com

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

Red Granite Statue of Caesar Hadrian from Caesarea. dated to ca. 130

Statua in porfido ritraente Adriano rinvenuta a Cesarea marittima.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Hadrian’s Wall (Vallum Hadriani), a fortification in Northern England (viewed from Vercovicium).

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Ehrenbogen Arco die Adriano.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Vestiges du temple d’Hadrien, Rome.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Hadrian and Antinous – busts in the British Museum

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Pantheon di Roma, costruito da Agrippa, fu restaurato da Adriano

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Castel Sant’Angelo, the ancient Hadrian Mausoleum

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Villa Adriana.

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Temple of Zeus in Athens

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Canopo di Villa Adriana.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statua romana di Adriano (imperatore dal 117 al 138), conservata all’Ermitage di San Pietroburgo. II secolo d.C.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Bust of Antinoüs (117–138 CE) known as the Antinoüs of Ecouen. Marble, 18th century copy from an original coming from the villa Adriana, now in the Prado Museum

Ritratto di Antinoo scoperto a Villa Adriana a Tivoli e conservato al museo del Louvre.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Antinous as Osiris, wearing the nemes and the uraeus; the nose, mouth, left part of the face and major part of the bust are modern restorations. From the villa of Hadrian in Tivoli.

• File:Antinous Osiris Louvre 

 

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Hadrian as pontifex maximus, dated 130–140 AD, from Rome, Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

 

 Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble, made during the reign of Hadrian

 The Delphi Antinous is a cult statue of Antinous, sculpted in Parian marble during the reign of Hadrian (117-138 CE). H. 1.8 m (5 ft. 10 ¾ in.). Found in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, 1893. It can bee seen at the Archaeological Museum of Delphi.

Hadrian

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian
Marble bust of Hadrian at the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Capitoline Museums.
14th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Reign	10 August 117 – 10 July 138
Predecessor	Trajan
Successor	Antoninus Pius
Born	24 January 76 Italica, Hispania (uncertain)
Died	10 July 138 (aged 62) Baiae
Burial	Puteoli Gardens of Domitia Hadrian’s Mausoleum(Rome)
Spouse	Vibia Sabina
Issue	Lucius Aelius (adoptive) Antoninus Pius (adoptive)
Full name Publius Aelius Hadrianus (from birth to adoption and accession) Caesar Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (as emperor)
Dynasty	Nervan-Antonine
Father	Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer Trajan (adoptive)
Mother	Domitia Paulina

Roman imperial dynasties
Nervo-Trajanic Dynasty

Nerva Children    Natural – (none)    Adoptive – Trajan Trajan Children    Natural – (none)    Adoptive – Hadrian Hadrian Children    Natural – (none)    Adoptive – Lucius Aelius    Adoptive – Antoninus Pius

Hadrian (/ˈheɪdriən/; Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus;^{[note 1][note 2]} 24 January 76 – 10 July 138) was Roman emperor from 117 to 138. He is known for building Hadrian’s Wall, which marked the northern limit of Britannia. He also rebuilt the Pantheon, constructed the Temple of Venus and Roma, and may have rebuilt the Serapeum of Alexandria. Philhellene in most of his tastes, he is considered by some to have been a humanist.

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus into a Hispano-Romanfamily. Although Italica near Santiponce(in modern-day Spain) is often considered his birthplace, ^[1] his actual place of birth remains uncertain. It is generally accepted that he came from a family with centuries-old roots in Hispania.^[2] His predecessor, Trajan, was a maternal cousin of Hadrian’s father.^[3] Trajan did not officially designate an heir during his lifetime, but his friend and adviser Licinius Surawas well disposed towards Hadrian; Trajan’s wife, Pompeia Plotina, claimed that her husband nominated Hadrian as emperor immediately before his death.^[4] Soon after his succession, four leading senators who had opposed Hadrian were unlawfully put to death. The senate never forgave Hadrian for this.

On his accession to the throne, Hadrian withdrew from Trajan’s conquests in Mesopotamia, Assyriaand Armenia, and may have considered abandoning Dacia. During his reign, Hadrian travelled to nearly every province of the Empire. An ardent admirer of Greece, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the Empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples in the city. He used his relationship with his Greek lover Antinous to underline his philhellenism, and this led to the establishment of one of the most popular cults of ancient times. Hadrian spent a great deal of time with the military; he usually wore military attire and even dined and slept among the soldiers. He ordered rigorous military training and drilling and made use of false reports of attacks to keep the army on alert. Late in his reign he suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt in Judaea, and renamed the province Syria Palaestina.

Hadrian’s last years were marred by illness, his disappointment in his failed Imperial panhellenic ideal, and his further executions of leading senators suspected of plotting against him. In 138 he adopted Antoninus Pius on the condition that Antoninus adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as his own heirs. They would eventually succeed Antoninus as co-emperors. Hadrian died the same year at Baiae.^[5] Antoninus had him deified, despite opposition from the Senate.

Early life

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus in either Italica (near modern Seville) in the province of Hispania Baetica^[6] or Rome,^[7] to a well-established Roman family with centuries-old roots in Italica. His biography in the Historia Augusta states that he was born in Rome on 24 January 76 to an ethnically Hispanic family with vague paternal links to Italy, though this may be a complimentary fiction coined to make Hadrian appear a natural-born Roman instead of a provincial whose parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents were born and raised in Hispania.^[8] It was general knowledge that Hadrian and his predecessor Trajan were – in the words of Aurelius Victor – « aliens », people « from the outside » (advenae).^[9]

Hadrian’s father was Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, who as a senator of praetorianrank would have spent much of his time in Rome.^[10] Hadrian’s known paternal ancestry can be partly linked to a family from Hadria (modern Atri), an ancient town in Picenum, Italy. This family had settled in Italica soon after its founding by Scipio Africanus several centuries before Hadrian’s birth. Hadrian’s father, Afer, and his paternal cousin, the Emperor Trajan, were both born and raised in Hispania. Hadrian’s mother was Domitia Paulina, daughter of a distinguished Hispano-Roman senatorial family from Gades (Cádiz).^[11]

Hadrian’s elder sister and only sibling was Aelia Domitia Paulina, married to Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus, who was consul three times. Hadrian also had a niece, Julia Serviana Paulina, and a great-nephew, Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, from Barcino (Barcelona). In 86, when Hadrian was ten years old, his parents died, and he became a ward of both Trajan and Publius Acilius Attianus (who was later Trajan’s Praetorian prefect).^[11] Hadrian was schooled in subjects appropriate to young Roman aristocrats; he was so fond of Greek literature that he was nicknamed Graeculus (« Greekling »). When Hadrian was 14, Trajan recalled him and looked after his development. Hadrian never returned to Italica, but it was later made a colonia in his honour.^[12]

Public service

Hadrian’s first official post was as a judge at Rome’s Inheritance court, one among many vigintivirate offices at the lowest level of the cursus honorum (« course of honours ») that could lead to higher office and a senatorial career. He then served as a military tribune, first with the Legio II Adiutrix in 95, then with the Legio V Macedonica. During Hadrian’s second stint as tribune, the frail and aged reigning emperor Nerva adopted Trajan as his heir; Hadrian was dispatched to give Trajan the news— or most probably was one of many emissaries charged with this same commission.^[13] Then he was transferred to Legio XXII Primigenia and a third tribunate.^[14] Hadrian’s three tribunates gave him some career advantage. Most scions of the older senatorial families might serve one, or at most two military tribunates as a prerequisite to higher office.^[15][16] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian is said to have hastened to Trajan, to inform him ahead of the official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian’s brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus.^[17]

In 101, Hadrian was back in Rome, and stood for higher public office; he was elected quaestor, then quaestor imperatoris Traiani, liaison officer between Emperor and the assembled Senate, to whom he read the Emperor’s communiqués and speeches – which he possibly composed on the emperor’s behalf. In his role as imperial ghostwriter, Hadrian took the place of the recently deceased Licinius Sura, Trajan’s all-powerful friend and kingmaker.^[18] His next post was as ab actis senatus, keeping the Senate’s records.^[19] During the First Dacian War, Hadrian took the field as a member of Trajan’s personal entourage, but was excused from his military post to take office in Rome as Tribune of the Plebs, in 105. After the war, he was probably elected praetor.^[20] During the Second Dacian War, Hadrian was in Trajan’s personal service again, but was released to serve as legate of Legio I Minervia, then as governor of Lower Pannonia in 107, tasked with « holding back the Sarmatians« .^[21][22]

Now in his mid-thirties, Hadrian travelled to Greece; he was granted Athenian citizenship and was appointed eponymous archon of Athens for a brief time (in 112).^[23] The Athenians awarded him a statue with an inscription in the Theater of Dionysus ( IG II2 3286) offering a detailed account of his cursus honorum thus far.^[24][25] Thereafter no more is heard of him until Trajan’s Parthian War. It is possible that he remained in Greece until his recall to the imperial retinue.^[21]

Hadrian joined Trajan’s expedition against Parthia as a legate.^[26] He seems to have achieved nothing of note in the post but when the governor of Syria was sent to deal with renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed his replacement, with independent command.^[27] Trajan became seriously ill, and took ship for Rome, while Hadrian remained in Syria, de facto general commander of the Eastern Roman army.^[28] Trajan got as far as the coastal city of Selinus, in Cilicia; he was too ill to travel any further. He died there, on 8 August, and was later deified; he would be regarded as one of Rome’s most admired, popular and best emperors.

Relationship with Trajan and his family

Hadrian’s connections to Trajan’s female relatives offered him advantage as a potential successor to Trajan. Around the time of his quaestorship, he had married Trajan’s grandniece, Vibia Sabina, perhaps at the suggestion of the empress Plotina. Plotina’s investment in Hadrian’s future career might have been motivated by her wish to avoid the political oblivion that befell her older contemporary, former empress Domitia Longina.^[29] Plotina was a highly cultured woman with philosophical leanings; she and Hadrian shared political and intellectual interests, including the idea of the Roman Empire as a commonwealth with an underlying Hellenic culture.^[30] If Hadrian was appointed successor, Trajan’s extended family would retain a degree of power and influence; Hadrian also counted on the support of his mother in law, Trajan’s niece Salonina Matidia, ^[31] the daughter of Trajan’s sister Ulpia Marciana.^[32] When Ulpia Marciana died, in 112, Trajan had her deified, and her daughter Salonina Matidia made an Augusta.^[33] Even so, Trajan himself seems to have been less than enthusiastic about marrying his grandniece to Hadrian; with good reason, as it turned out. The couple’s relationship would prove itself scandalously poor, even for a marriage of convenience.^[34]

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

A relief scene on Trajan’s Column in Rome, 2nd-century monument attributed to Apollodorus of Damascus (monochrome graphics by Conrad Cichorius), showing a Roman legion storming a Dacian fortress during Trajan’s Dacian Wars

Hadrian had tried to curry favor with Trajan by all means available, which included sharing in Trajan’s bouts of heavy drinking.^[35]Nevertheless, sometime around his marriage to Sabina, he was involved in some unexplained quarrel over his relationships with Trajan’s boy favourites,^[36]whom he had supposedly tried to groom.^[37] All these circumstances might explain an apparent downturn in Hadrian’s fortunes late in Trajan’s reign; he failed to achieve a senior consulship, being only suffect consul for 108.^[38] Hadrian thus achieved parity of status with other members of the senatorial nobility – but not much else;^[39] he held no particular distinction befitting an heir designate.^[40] Had Trajan wished it, he could have promoted his protege to patricianrank and its privileges, which included opportunities for a fast track to consulship without for prior experience as tribune; but he chose not to.^[41] Although Hadrian was made Tribune of the Plebs a year earlier than was customary, and was promoted to praetorian rank, he was consistently excluded from Trajan’s innermost circle of advisers.^[42] The Historia Augusta describes Trajan’s gift to Hadrian of a diamond ring that Trajan himself had received from Nerva, « and by this gift he [Hadrian] was encouraged in his hopes of succeeding to the throne ».^[43][44] While Trajan actively promoted Hadrian’s advancement, he did so with caution.^[45]

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Bust of Emperor Trajan wearing the civic crown and the aegis, symbol of divine power and world domination, Glyptothek, Munich

Succession

While Trajan lived, Hadrian’s status as emperor-in-waiting would have been far from certain. Trajan might have deferred any clear nomination of a successor because there were so many potential claimants. On the one hand, failure to nominate an heir could invite chaotic, destructive wresting of power by a succession of competing claimants – a civil war. On the other hand, the definite choice of an heir could be seen as an abdication, and reduce the chance for an orderly transmission of power.^[46] As Trajan lay dying, nursed by his wife, Plotina, and closely watched by Prefect Attianus, he could have lawfully adopted Hadrian as heir, by means of a simple deathbed wish, expressed before witnesses;^[47] but when an adoption document was eventually presented, it was signed not by Trajan but by Plotina, and was dated the day after Trajan’s death.^[48] Hadrian was still in Syria; this represented a further irregularity, as Roman adoption law required the presence of both parties at the adoption ceremony. Rumours, doubts, and speculation attended Hadrian’s adoption and succession. It has been suggested that Trajan’s young manservant Phaedimus, who died very soon after Trajan, was killed (or killed himself) rather than face awkward questions.^[49] Ancient sources are divided on the legitimacy of Hadrian’s adoption: Dio Cassius saw it as bogus and the Historia Augusta writer as genuine.^[50] An aureus minted early in Hadrian’s reign represents the official position; it presents Hadrian as a « Caesar » (meaning an heir designate).^[51]

Emperor (117)

Securing power

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Castel Sant’Angelo, the ancient Hadrian Mausoleum

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

This famous statue of Hadrian in Greek dress was revealed in 2008 to have been forged in the Victorian era by cobbling together a head of Hadrian and an unknown body. For years, the statue had been used by historians as proof of Hadrian’s love of Hellenic culture.^[52]

Official recognition of Hadrian as legitimate heir came too late to dissuade other potential claimants.^[53] Hadrian’s greatest rivals were Trajan’s closest friends, the most experienced and senior members of the imperial council, compared to whom Hadrian was an equestrian upstart.^[54] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian informed the Senate of his accession in a letter as a fait accompli, claiming that « the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor ».^[55] The Senate endorsed the acclamation. Various public ceremonies were organized on Hadrian’s behalf, celebrating his « divine election » by all the gods, whose community included the now deified Trajan.^[56]

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Hadrian unearthed at Tel Shalem commemorating Roman military victory over Bar Kochba, displayed at the Israel Museum

Hadrian remained in the east for a while, suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under Trajan. He sheared Judea’s governor, the outstanding Moorish general and potential rival Lusius Quietus, of his personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries;^[57][58] then he moved on to quell disturbances along the Danubefrontier. In Rome, Attianus, Hadrian’s former guardian, took charge on Hadrian’s behalf. He claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy involving four leading senators, including Lusius Quietus; he demanded their deaths.^[59]There was no public trial – they were hunted down and killed out of hand.^[59]The executions of such high ranking senators without due process of law soured Hadrian’s relations with the Senate for his entire reign.^[60]

A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119 AD for his third consulship

Modern sources point out that those executed may have been seen as « Trajan’s men »;^[59] any one of whom might be a prospective candidate for the imperial office (capaces imperii);^[61] or they may have been leading figures of a senatorial faction committed to Trajan’s expansionist policies, which Hadrian intended to change;^[62] one of their number was Aulus Cornelius Palma who as a former conqueror of Arabia Nabatea would have retained a stake in Trajan’s expansionist Eastern policy.^[63] Hadrian’s consistent refusal to expand Rome’s frontiers was to remain a bone of contention between him and the Senate throughout his reign.^[64] The Historia Augusta describes Palma and a third executed senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (consul for the second time in 113), as Hadrian’s personal enemies, who had spoken in public against him.^[65] The fourth was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, an ex-consul, intellectual, friend of Pliny the Younger and (briefly) Governor of Dacia at the start of Hadrian’s reign.^[66] Hadrian claimed that Attianus had acted on his own initiative, then rewarded him with senatorial status and consular rank; but later discarded him, finding his ambition suspect.^[67]

In 125, Hadrian appointed his close friend Marcius Turbo as his Praetorian Prefect. Whenever Hadrian was away from the city of Rome, Turbo represented by his interests there.^[68] Turbo was a leading figure of the equestrian order, a senior court judge and a procurator.^[69][70] Hadrian forbade equestrians to try cases against senators,^[71] so the Senate retained full legal authority over its members, and remained the highest court of appeal. Formal appeals to the emperor regarding its decisions were forbidden.^[72] Some sources describe Hadrian’s occasional recourse to a secret police force, the frumentarii^[73] to discretely investigate persons of high social standing, including senators and his close friends.^[74]

Travels

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Hadrian in military garb, wearing the civic crown and muscle cuirass, from Antalya, Turkey

Hadrian was to spend more than half his reign outside Italy. Whereas previous emperors had, for the most part, relied on the reports of their imperial representatives around the Empire, Hadrian wished to see things for himself. Previous emperors had often left Rome for long periods, but mostly to go to war, returning once the conflict was settled. Hadrian’s near-incessant travels may represent a calculated break with traditions and attitudes in which the empire was a purely Roman hegemony. Hadrian sought to include provincials in a commonwealth of civilized peoples and a common Hellenic culture under Roman supervision.^[75] He supported the creation of provincial towns (municipia), semi-autonomous urban communities with their own customs and laws, rather than the imposition of new Roman colonies with Roman constitutions.^[76]

The cosmopolitan, ecumenical intent of Hadrian’s travels is evident in coin issues of his later reign, showing the emperor « raising up » the personifications of various provinces.^[77] The Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides later wrote that Hadrian « extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet ».^[78]. All this did not go well with Roman traditionalists. The self-indulgent emperor Nero had enjoyed a prolonged and peaceful tour of Greece, and had been criticised by the Roman elite for abandoning his fundamental responsibilities as emperor. In the Historia Augusta, Hadrian is described as « a little too much Greek », too cosmopolitan for a Roman emperor.^[79] In the eastern provinces, and to some extent in the west, Nero had enjoyed popular support; claims of his imminent return or rebirth emerged almost immediately after his death. Hadrian may have consciously exploited these positive, popular connections during his own travels.^[80]

Britannia and the West (122)

Hadrian’s Wall (Vallum Hadriani), a fortification in Northern England (viewed from Vercovicium).

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Hadrian’s Gate, in Antalya, southern Turkey was built to honour Hadrian who visited the city in 130.

Prior to Hadrian’s arrival in Britannia, the province had suffered a major rebellion, from 119 to 121.^[81] Inscriptions tell of an expeditio Britannica that involved major troop movements, including the dispatch of a detachment (vexillatio), comprising some 3,000 soldiers. Fronto writes about military losses in Britannia at the time.^[82] Coin legends of 119-120 attest that Pompeius Falco was sent to restore order. In 122 Hadrian initiated the construction of a wall, « to separate Romans from barbarians ».^[83]This deterred attacks on Roman territory at a lower cost than a massed border army,^[84]and controlled cross-border trade and immigration.^[85] A shrine was erected in York to Brittania as the divine personification of Britain; Coins were struck, bearing her image, identified as BRITANNIA.^[86] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia. He never saw the finished wall that bears his name.

Hadrian appears to have continued through southern Gaul. At Nemausus, he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian’s request.^[87] At around this time, Hadrian dismissed his secretary ab epistulis,^[88] the historian Suetonius, for « excessive familiarity » towards the empress.^[89] Marcius Turbo’s colleague as Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Septicius Claruswas dismissed for the same alleged reason, perhaps a pretext to remove him from office.^[90] Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Tarraco, in Spain, where he restored the Temple of Augustus.^[91]

Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble, made during the reign of Hadrian

In 123, Hadrian crossed the Mediterranean to Mauretania, where he personally led a minor campaign against local rebels.^[92] The visit was cut short by reports of war preparations by Parthia; Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. At some point, he visited Cyrene, where he personally funded the training of young men from well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had benefited earlier (in 119) from his restoration of public buildings destroyed during the earlier Jewish revolt.^[93][94]

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he personally negotiated a settlement with the Parthian King Osroes I, inspected the Roman defences, then set off westwards, along the Black Sea coast.^[95] He probably wintered in Nicomedia, the main city of Bithynia. Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly before his stay; Hadrian provided funds for its rebuilding, and was acclaimed as restorer of the province.^[96]

It is possible that Hadrian visited Claudiopolis and saw the beautiful Antinous, a young man of humble birth who became Hadrian’s beloved. Literary and epigraphic sources say nothing on when or where they met; depictions of Antinous show him aged 20 or so, shortly before his death in 130. In 123 he would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.^[96] It is also possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of imperial favourite.^[97] The actual history of their relationship is mostly unknown.^[98]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through Anatolia. His route is unknown. Various traditions suggest his presence at particular locations; he is said to have founded a city within Mysia, Hadrianutherae, after a successful boar hunt, but this is debated. At about this time, plans to complete the Temple of Zeus in Cyzicus, begun by the kings of Pergamon, were put into practice. The temple received a colossal statue of Hadrian, and Cyzicus was made a regional centre for the Imperial cult(neocoros), sharing it with Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesus and Sardes^[99] – something that offered the benefits of Imperial sponsorship of sacred games, attracting tourism, and stimulating private expenditure, as well as channelling intercity rivalry into a common acceptance of Roman rule.^[100]

Greece (124–125)

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Temple of Zeus in Athens

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

The Pantheon in Rome was rebuilt by Hadrian.

Hadrian arrived in Greece during the autumn of 124, and participated in the Eleusinian Mysteries. He had a particular commitment to Athens, which had previously granted him citizenship and an archonate; at the Athenians’ request, he revised their constitution – among other things, he added a new phyle (tribe), which was named after him.^[101] Hadrian combined active, hands-on interventions with cautious restraint. He refused to intervene in a local dispute between producers of olive oil and the Athenian Assembly and Council, who had imposed production quotas on oil producers;^[102] yet he granted an imperial subsidy for the Athenian grain supply.^[103] Hadrian created two foundations, to fund Athens’ public games, festivals and competitions if no citizen proved wealthy or willing enough to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.^[104] Generally Hadrian preferred that Greek notables, including priests of the Imperial cult, focus on more durable provisions, such as aqueducts and public fountains (nymphaea).^[105] Athens was given two such fountains; another was given to Argos.^[106]

During the winter he toured the Peloponnese. His exact route is uncertain, but Pausanias describes temples built by Hadrian, and his statue – in heroic nudity – erected by the grateful citizens of Epidaurus^[107] in thanks to their « restorer ». He was especially generous to Mantinea, where he restored the Temple of Poseidon Hippios; this supports the theory that Antinous was in fact already Hadrian’s lover because of the strong link between Mantinea and Antinous’s home in Bithynia.^[108] As this kinship between Mantinea and Bythinia was itself a mythological fiction of the kind used at the time for encouraging political alliances between polities, a more serious reason might exist for Hadrian’s particular generosity.^[109] Hadrian’s buildings in Greece were no mere whims, as they followed a pattern of favoring old religious centers. Besides the temple at Mantinea, Hadrian restored other ancient shrines in Abae, Argos – where he restored the Heraion – and Megara.^[110] This was a way of gathering legitimacy to Roman imperial rule by associating it with the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian taste in cultural matters.^[111] Pausanias credits Hadrian with restoring to Mantinea its ancient, classical name. It had been named Antigoneia since Hellenistic times, in honour of the Macedonian King Antigonus III Doson.^[112]

This same idea of resurrecting the classical past under Roman overlordship was behind the possibility that, during his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the Spartan grandee Eurycles Herculanus – the contemporary leader of the Euryclidfamily that had ruled Sparta since Augustus’ day – to enter the Senate, alongside the Athenian grandee Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first Greeks from Old Greece to enter the Roman Senate, as « representatives » of the two « great powers » of the Classical Age.^[113] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables’ reluctance to take part in Roman political life.^[114] In March 125, Hadrian presided at the Athenian festival of Dionysia, wearing Athenian dress. He initiated a substantial public building program in and around Athens. The Temple of Olympian Zeus had been under construction for more than five centuries; Hadrian committed the vast resources at his command to ensure that the job would be finished. He also organised the planning and construction of a particularly challenging and ambitious aqueduct to bring water to the Athenian agora.^[115]

Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Hadrian in armour, wearing the gorgoneion; marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128 AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in the Louvre, Paris

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to Sicily. Coins celebrate him as the restorer of the island.^[116] Back in Rome, he saw the rebuilt Pantheon, and his completed villa at nearby Tibur, among the Sabine Hills. In early March 127 Hadrian set off on a tour of Italy; his route has been reconstructed through the evidence of his gifts and donations.^[116] He restored the shrine of Cupra in Cupra Maritima, and improved the drainage of the Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, acting as governors. They were given jurisdiction over all of Italy, excluding Rome itself, therefore shifting cases from the courts of Rome.^[117]Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of mere provinces did not go down well with the Roman Senate;^[118] and the innovation did not long outlive Hadrian’s reign.^[116]

Hadrian fell ill around this time; whatever the nature of his illness, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit Africa. His arrival began with the good omen of rain ending a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to them survives.^[119] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.^[120]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous’s death

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Hadrian and Antinous – busts in the British Museum

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Ruins of the Arch of Hadrian in Athens, Greece, near the Athenian Acropolis

In September 128, Hadrian attended the Eleusinian mysteries again. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival around the Amphictyonic Leaguebased in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus.^[121]From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt. It is known from an inscription that he was probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by an Ephesian merchant, Lucius Erastus. Hadrian later sent a letter on Erastus’ behalf to the Council of Ephesus, supporting his request to become a town councillor. Hadrian offered to pay the requisite fee for Erastus’ council membership, as long as the Ephesians considered him worthy (as a merchant, he may well have been thought unworthy).^[122]

In Egypt, Hadrian opened his stay by restoring Pompey the Great‘s tomb at Pelusium.^[123] Hadrian also offered sacrifice to Pompey as a hero and composed an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as the conqueror of the Roman East, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony after the recent disturbances there during Trajan’s late reign.^[124]Also in Egypt, a poem about a lion hunt in the Libyan desert by the Greek Pankrates witnesses for the first time that Antinous travelled alongside Hadrian.^[125]

In October 130, while Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian’s sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian’s request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.^[126]

Hadrian had Antinous deified as Osiris-Antinous by an Egyptian priest at the ancient Temple of Ramesses II, very near the place of his death. Hadrian dedicated a new temple-city complex there, built in a Graeco-Roman style, and named it Antinopolis.^[127] It was a proper Greek polis; it was granted an Imperially subsidised alimentary scheme similar to Trajan’s alimenta,^[128] and its citizens were allowed intermarriage with members of the native population, without loss of citizen-status. Hadrian thus identified an existing native cult (to Osiris) with Roman rule.^[129]

Greece and the East (130–132)

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Statue of Hadrian as pontifex maximus, dated 130–140 AD, from Rome, Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

Hadrian’s movements after the founding of Antinopolis on 30 October 130 are uncertain. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he travelled in the East during 130/131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was to be focussed on the Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus. Successful applications for membership involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to Imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian’s personal, idealised notions of Hellenism.^[130][131]Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the « liberties » of Greece – in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles’ biography by Plutarch, whose sympathies to the Imperial order are well-known.^[132]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of applying to the Panhellenion held little attraction to the wealthier, Hellenised cities of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence within Hadrian’s scheme.^[133]Hadrian’s notion of Hellenism was narrow and deliberately archaising; he defined « Greekness » in terms of classical roots, rather than a broader, Hellenistic culture.^[134]The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on « games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism ».^[135]

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Colossal portrait bust of the emperor Hadrian with a wreath of oak leaves (AD 117–138); pentelic marble, found in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens

This third and last trip to the Greek East produced much religious enthusiasm in the region centred around Hadrian, who received a personal cult as a deity and many monuments and civic homages, according to the religious syncretism at the time.^[136]Around the same time, Hadrian bestowed honorific titles on many regional centres.^[137]Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra.^[138]Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia.^[139]

Hadrian and spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the now-completed Temple of Olympian Zeus,^[140] At some time in 132, he headed East, to Judaea.

Second Roman–Jewish War (132–136)

Main article: Bar Kokhba revolt

Coinage minted to mark Hadrian’s visit to Judea

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

In Roman Judaea Hadrian visited Jerusalem, which was still ruinous after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. He may have planned to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – as Vespasian had done with Caesarea Maritima – with various honorific and fiscal privileges. The non-Roman population would have no obligation to participate in Roman religious rituals, but were expected to support the Roman imperial order; this is attested in Caesarea, where some Jews served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions.^[141] It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to assimilate the Jewish Temple to the traditional Roman civic-religious Imperial cult; such assimilations had long been commonplace practise in Greece and in other provinces, and on the whole, had been successful.^[142][143] The neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.^[144] Strict Jewish monotheismn proved more resistant to Imperial cajoling, and then to Imperial demands.^[145] A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising broke out, led by Simon bar Kokhba. The Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus asked for an army to crush the resistance; bar Kokhba punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks.^[146] According to Justin Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba’s messianic claims.^[147]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian’s abolition of circumcision (brit milah);^[148] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation.^[149] The scholar Peter Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the « tomfoolery » shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on « genital mutilation » seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters.^{[150][151][152]} Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak; a heavy-handed, culturally insensitive Roman administration; tensions between the landless poor and incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants; and a strong undercurrent of messianism, predicated on Jeremiah’s prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile.^[153]

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Relief from an honorary monument of Hadrian (detail), showing the emperor being greeted by the goddess Roma and the Genii of the Senate and the Roman People; marble, Roman artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline Museums, Vatican City

The Romans were overwhelmed by the organised ferocity of the uprising.^[154]Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were heavy; an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000.^[155] Hadrian’s report on the war to the Roman Senateomitted the customary salutation, « If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the legions are in health. »^[156] The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to Cassius Dio, Roman war operations in Judea left some 580,000 Jews dead, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed. An unknown proportion of the population was enslaved. Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem, fell after a three and a half year siege. The extent of punitive measures against the Jewish population remains a matter of debate.^[157]

Hadrian erased the province’s name from the Roman map, renaming it Syria Palaestina. He renamed Jerusalem Aelia Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, and had it rebuilt in Greek style. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as « overseer of the work of building the city », since he was related to him by marriage.^[158] Hadrian is said to have placed the city’s main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the Samaritans with a temple, dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos (« Highest Zeus »)^[159] on Mount Gerizim.^[160] The bloody repression of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman Imperial order.^[161]

Inscriptions make it clear that in 133 Hadrian took to the field with his armies, against the rebels. He then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.^[162]

Final years

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Bronze head of Hadrian found in the River Thames in London. Now in the British Museum.

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Imperial group as Mars and Venus; the male figure is a portrait of Hadrian, the female figure was reworked into a portrait of Annia Lucilla (?); marble, Roman artwork, c. 120–140 AD, reworked c. 170–175 AD.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutationfor the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war « as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations » towards a cosmopolitan empire.^[163] In 136, he dedicated a new Temple of Venus and Roma on the former site of Nero’s Golden House. The temple was the largest in Rome, and was built in an Hellenising style, more Greek than Roman. The temple’s dedication and statuary associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus, divine ancestress and protector of the Roman people, with the worship of the goddess Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshiped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature of the empire.^[164]

The Empress Sabina died probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife’s « ill-temper and irritability » would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.^[165] That gave credence, after Sabina’s death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.^[166] As befitted Hadrian’s dynastic legitimacy, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128^[167] – was deified not long after her death.^[168]

Arranging the succession

Hadrian’s marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who as an emperor-in waiting took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the « four consulars » executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health, apparently with a reputation more « of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader ».^[169] Various modern attempts have been made to explain Hadrian’s choice: Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian’s natural son.^[170] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian’s belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian’s succession.^[78] Aelius’ father-in-law Avidius Nigrinus had been Hadrian’s chief rival for the throne; a senator of highest rank, breeding, and connections; according to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent, before deciding to get rid of him.^[171] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior;^[172] he held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.^[173]

Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian’s close friend; Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar’s daughter Ceionia Fabia;^[174][175] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus’s uncle – who supported Annius Verus’ advancement; the latter’s divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus’ daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative.^[174]

Hadrian’s last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian’s brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus’s grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian’s reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.^[176] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would « long for death but be unable to die ».^[177] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.^[178]

Death

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris

Hadrian died in the year 138 on the 10th of July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. The cause of death is believed to have been heart failure. Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Augustus, Hadrian’s successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius.

He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138. After threatening the Senate – which toyed with refusing Hadrian’s divine honours – by refusing to assume power himself,^[179] Antoninus eventually succeeded in having his predecessor deified^[180] in 139 and given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.^[181] The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of « Pius », in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father.^[179] At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate’s ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecrationwas kept to a minimum.^[182]

Military

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

Bust of Emperor Hadrian. Roman 117–138 CE. Probably from Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection. Now housed in the British Museum, London

Most of Hadrian’s military activities were consistent with his ideology of Empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He focussed on protection from external and internal threats; on « raising up » existing provinces, rather than the aggressive acquisition of wealth and territory through subjugation of « foreign » peoples that had characterised the early Empire.^[183] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities.

Hadrian sought to surround the empire with stable, sustainable borders, and employed a variety of means to deal with potential and actual threats to the Empire’s integrity. The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor charged him with jealous belittlement of Trajan’s achievements (Traiani gloriae invidens), abandoning the latter’s conquests in Mesopotamia.^[184] More likely, an expansionist policy was no longer realistic; the Empire had lost two legions, the Legio XXII Deiotariana and the « lost legion » IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.^[185] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamian indefensible, and abandoned them shortly before his death.^[186]. Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians; their king Rasparaganus received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy.^[187] Hadrian’s presence on the Dacian front at this time is mere conjecture; but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces.^[188] A controlled, partial withdrawal from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman several cavalry units and a supporting network of fortifications.^[189]

Hadrian retained control over Osroene through the client king Parthamaspates, who had once served as Trajan’s client king of Parthia;^[190] and around 121, Hadrian negotiated a peace treaty with the now-independent Parthia. Late in his reign (135), the Alani attacked Roman Cappadocia with the covert support of Pharasmanes, king of Caucasian Iberia. The attack was repulsed by Hadrian’s governor, the historian Arrian,^[191] who subsequently installed a Roman « adviser » in Iberia.^[192] Arrian kept Hadrian well-informed On all questions related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132 he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea, intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman intervention was needed.^[193]

Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire’s borders (limites, sl.limes) to support his policy of stability, peace and preparedness. This helped keep the military usefully occupied in times of peace; his Wall across Britania was built by ordinary troops. A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian’s policy was peace through strength, even threat,^[194] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian’s emphasis on « spit and polish » as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign.^[195] Fronto expressed other opinions on the subject. In his view, Hadrian preferred war games to actual war, and enjoyed « giving eloquent speeches to the armies » – like the inscribed series of addresses he made while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis^[196]

Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less costly numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers – in low-intensity, mobile defensive tasks such as dealing with border infiltrators and skirmishers.^[197][198] Hadrian is also credited with introducing units of heavy cavalry (cataphracts) into the Roman army.^[199] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman army of his own time.^[200]

Legal and social

Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetorsbecame fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.^[201][202] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian made the Emperor’s legal advisory board, the consilia principis (« council of the princeps« ) into a permanent body, staffed by salaried legal aides.^[203] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household.^[204][205] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.^[206] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies; objectively it did not detract from the Senate’s position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the « Crown », not of the Emperor as an individual.^[204] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor.^[207]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low ranking persons – alii (« the others »), including low-ranking citizens – were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores; the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.^[208]

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores; so did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned; by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humliores. Like most Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded « the best men » with wealth, power and respect. When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person.^[209]However, he limited the punishments that slaves could suffer; they could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but they could not be lawfully killed unless guilty of a capital offence.^[210] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified punishment.^[211] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses.^[212][213] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men had sometimes been illegally detained.^[214]

Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freeman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.^[215] Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis, castration was place on a par with conspiracy to murder, and punished accordingly.^[216] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theaters and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the afternoon, « except for medical reasons ».^[217]

Religious

Imperial cult

One of Hadrian’s immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the apotheosis of his predecessor, Trajan, and any members of Trajan’s family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. During his return from Brittania, Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus, to oversee the completion of foundation of a basilicadedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian’s request.^[218] Shortly before her death, Hadrian had granted Plotina’s wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be granted to a non-Roman candidate.^[219] Matidia Augusta, Hadrian’s mother-in-law, had died earlier, in December 119, and had also been deified.^[220]

As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome’s pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official imperial cult, from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues still identified him with the traditional genius populi Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome’s imperial protection of Greek civilisation.^[221] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire’s leading Imperial cult centre and in 131–2 AD he sponsored the exclusively Greek Panhellenion, which extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture.^[222]

Antinous

Hadrian was criticized for the intensity of his grief at Antinous’s death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of his own sister Paulina after her death.^[223] But his attempt at turning the deceased youth into a cult-figure found little opposition.^[224]The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world, and also found support in the West. In Hadrian’s villa, statues of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, linked the imperial favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love^[225] Antinous was also compared to the Celtic sun-god Belenos.^[226]

Medals were struck with Antinous’s effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.^[227] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. Antinous was not part of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, but provided a common focus for the emperor and his subjects, emphasizing their sense of community.^[228] As an « international » cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian’s reign.^[229] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla’s reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.^[230]

Christians[edit]

Hadrian continued Trajan’s policy on Christians; they should not be sought out, and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear oaths.^[231]In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia Minutius Fundanus and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations^[232] or be punished for calumnia (defamation).^[233]

Personal and cultural interests

Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian

 

Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus (123). The reverse bears a personification of Aequitas Augusti or Juno Moneta

Hadrian liked to demonstrate his knowledge of all intellectual and artistic fields. Above all, he patronized the arts: Hadrian’s Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) was the greatest Roman example of an Alexandrian garden, recreating a sacred landscape.^[234]) In Rome, the Pantheon, originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was completed under Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. It was highly influential to many of the great architects of the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods.

From well before his reign, Hadrian displayed a keen interest in architecture and public works, but it seems that his eagerness was not always well received. For example, Apollodorus of Damascus, famed architect of the Forum of Trajan, dismissed his designs. When Hadrian’s predecessor, Trajan, consulted Apollodorus about an architectural problem, Hadrian interrupted to give advice, to which Apollodorus replied, « Go away and draw your pumpkins. You know nothing about these problems. » « Pumpkins » refers to Hadrian’s drawings of domes like the Serapeum in his villa. The historian Cassius Dio wrote that, once Hadrian succeeded Trajan and became emperor, he had Apollodorus exiled and later put to death. The story is problematic; brickstamps with consular dates show that the Pantheon’s dome was late in Trajan’s reign (115), probably under Apollodorus’s supervision.^[235]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.^[236][237] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian’s freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian’s most controversial actions.^[238] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.^[239]

According to one source, Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.^[240] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.^[241] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.^[241] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.^[241]

Hadrian’s philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity; Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.^[242]. Hadrian’s beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.^[243] Most emperors before him had been clean-shaven; most who came after him were bearded, at least until Constantine the Great.^{[citation needed]}

Hadrian was familiar with the Stoic philosophers Epictetus, and Favorinus, and with their works. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.^[244]

During Hadrian’s time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.^[245] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.^[246]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:^[247]

Animula, vagula, blandula

Hospes comesque corporis

Quae nunc abibis in loca

Pallidula, rigida, nudula,

Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos…

P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.

Roving amiable little soul,

Body’s companion and guest,

Now descending for parts

Colourless, unbending, and bare

Your usual distractions no more shall be there…

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,^[248][249] but uneven critical acclaim.^[250] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian’s biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian « wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one ».^[251]T. S. Eliot‘s poem « Animula » may have been inspired by Hadrian’s, though the relationship is not unambiguous.^[252]

Appraisals

Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors.^[253]Schiller called Hadrian « the Empire’s first servant ». Edward Gibbon admired his « vast and active genius » and his « equity and moderation ». In 1776, he stated that Hadrian’s era was part of the « happiest era of human history ». In his Meditations, written during his reign as emperor, Marcus Aurelius lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude; Hadrian is conspicuously absent.^[254] Hadrian’s tense, authoritarian relationship with his senate was acknowledged a generation after his death by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that « I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too […] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him. »^[255] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian’s reign, « under the risk of my life » (cum periculo capitis).^[256] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly « bad » emperors, because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash.^[257]

The Senate’s political role was effaced behind Hadrian’s personal rule (in Ronald Syme’s view. Hadrian « was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo« ).^[258] The fact that Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel undoubtedly helped the management of this strained relationship.^[259] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate’s approval.^[260] According to Syme, Tacitus‘ description of the rise and accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian’s authoritarian Principate.^[261] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus’ Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written « during Hadrian’s reign and hating it ».^[262]

Sources and historiography

In Hadrian’s time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves.^[263][264] Political histories of Hadrian’s reign come mostly from later sources, some of them written centuries after the reign itself. Book 69 of the early 3rd-century Roman History by Cassius Dio gives a general account of Hadrian’s reign, but the original is lost; what survives is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th-century monk Xiphilinius, focussed on Hadrian’s religious interests and the Bar Kokhba war, and little else. Hadrian’s is the first in the series of probably late 4th-century imperial biographies known as Historia Augusta. The collection as a whole is notorious for its unreliability (« a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi« ),^[265]but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources.^[266] Its principal source is generally assumed, on the basis of indirect evidence, to be one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, covering the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus.^[267] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias, who wrote shortly after Hadrian’s reign, confined their scope to the general historical framework that shaped Hadrian’s decisions, especially those relating to Greece. Fronto left Latin correspondence and works attesting to Hadrian’s character and his reign’s internal politics.^[268]

In modern scholarship, these accounts are supplemented by epigraphical, numismatic, archaeological, and other non-literary sources, without which no detailed, chronological account would be possible; the first modern historian to attempt such an account was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.^[269][270]

German historian Wilhelm Weber produced a 1907 biography of Hadrian.^[269] Weber was an extreme German nationalist and later a Nazi Party supporter. In keeping with his general view on Roman history, his views on Hadrian, and especially the Bar Kokhba war, are ideologically loaded.^[271][272] The 1923 Hadrian English biography by B.W. Henderson is more readable in the way of a summing-up and interpretation of the written sources, but Henderson’s anti-German bias made him completely ignore Weber’s study of the non-literary sources.^[269]

Only after the development of epigraphical studies in the post-war period could an alternate historiography of Hadrian develop, that leaned less on the ancient literary tradition. The ancient tradition had as its leitmotif a comparison between Hadrian and Trajan- mostly to the former’s disadvantage. On the other hand, modern historiography on Hadrian sought to explore the meaning (as in the title of a recent summing-up work by the German historian Susanne Mortensen)^[273] attached by Hadrian to his policies on various fields, as well as the particular aspects of these policies. According to historians such as the Italian M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian’s policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an « enlightened » autocracy, as well as his overall defensive grand strategy. According to Levi, that would be enough to allow us to consider Hadrian as a grand Roman political reformer, the creator of an absolute monarchy in the place of a senatorial republic – even a sham one.^[274] British historian Robin Lane Fox, in his book about the Classical World, credits Hadrian with the creation of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, but at the same time he considers Hadrian to be the end of this same tradition, as Hadrian’s « restoration » of the Classical Age into the framework of an undemocratic Empire simply emptied it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox’s words, « kill[ed] it with kindness ».^[275] The latest (1997) English biography by Anthony Birley sums up and reflect these developments in Hadrian historiography.

Nerva–Antonine family tree

[hide] v t e Nerva–Antonine family tree
Q. Marcius Barea Soranus Q. Marcius Barea Sura Antonia Furnilla M. Cocceius Nerva Sergia Plautilla P. Aelius Hadrianus Titus (r. 79–81) Marcia Furnilla Marcia Trajanus Pater Nerva (r. 96–98) Ulpia[i] Aelius Hadrianus Marullinus Julia Flavia[ii] Marciana[iii] C. Salonius Matidius[iv] Trajan (r. 98–117) Plotina P. Acilius Attianus P. Aelius Afer[v] Paulina Major[vi] Lucius Mindius (2) Libo Rupilius Frugi (3) Matidia[vii] L. Vibius Sabinus (1)[viii] Paulina Minor[vi] L. Julius Ursus Servianus[ix] Matidia Minor[vii] Suetonius?[x] Sabina[iii] Hadrian[v][xi][vi](r. 117–138) Antinous[xii] Julia Balbilla?[xiii] C. Fuscus Salinator I Julia Serviana Paulina M. Annius Verus[xiv] Rupilia Faustina[xv] Boionia Procilla Cn. Arrius Antoninus L. Ceionius Commodus Appia Severa C. Fuscus Salinator II L. Caesennius Paetus Arria Antonina Arria Fadilla[xvi] T. Aurelius Fulvus L. Caesennius Antoninus L. Commodus Fundania Plautia ignota[xvii] C. Avidius Nigrinus M. Annius Verus[xv] Domitia Lucilla[xviii] Fundania[xix] M. Annius Libo[xv] FAUSTINA[xvi] Antoninus Pius (r. 138–161)[xvi] L. Aelius Caesar[xvii] Avidia Plautia[xvii] Cornificia[xv] MARCUSAURELIUS (r. 161–180)[xx] FAUSTINAMinor[xx] C. Avidius Cassius[xxi] Aurelia Fadilla[xvi] LUCIUSVERUS (r. 161–169)[xvii] (1) Ceionia Fabia[xvii] Plautius Quintillus[xxii] Q. Servilius Pudens Ceionia Plautia[xvii] Cornificia Minor[xxiii] M. Petronius Sura COMMODUS (r. 177–192)[xx] Fadilla[xxiii] M. Annius Verus Caesar[xx] Ti. Claudius Pompeianus (2) Lucilla[xx] M. Plautius Quintillus[xvii] Junius Licinius Balbus Servilia Ceionia Petronius Antoninus L. Aurelius Agaclytus (2) Aurelia Sabina[xxiii] L. Antistius Burrus (1) Plautius Quintillus Plautia Servilla C. Furius Sabinus Timesitheus Antonia Gordiana Junius Licinius Balbus? Furia Sabina Tranquillina GORDIAN III (r. 238–244)
(1) = 1st spouse (2) = 2nd spouse (3) = 3rd spouse   Reddish purple indicates emperor of the Nerva-Antonine dynasty   lighter purple indicates designated imperial heir of said dynasty who never reigned   grey indicates unsuccessful imperial aspirants   bluish purple indicates emperors of other dynasties dashed lines indicate adoption; dotted lines indicate love affairs/unmarried relationships small caps = posthumously deified (Augusti, Augustae, or other)
Notes:Except where otherwise noted, the notes below indicate that an individual’s parentage is as shown in the above family tree. Jump up^ Sister of Trajan’s father: Giacosa (1977), p. 7. Jump up^ Giacosa (1977), p. 8. ^ Jump up to:a b Levick (2014), p. 161. Jump up^ Husband of Ulpia Marciana: Levick (2014), p. 161. ^ Jump up to:a b Giacosa (1977), p. 7. ^ Jump up to:a b c DIR contributor (Herbert W. Benario, 2000), « Hadrian ». ^ Jump up to:a b Giacosa (1977), p. 9. Jump up^ Husband of Salonia Matidia: Levick (2014), p. 161. Jump up^ Smith (1870), « Julius Servianus ».[dead link] Jump up^ Suetonius a possible lover of Sabina: One interpretation of HAHadrianus 11:3 Jump up^ Smith (1870), « Hadrian », pp. 319–322.[dead link] Jump up^ Lover of Hadrian: Lambert (1984), p. 99 and passim; deification: Lamber (1984), pp. 2-5, etc. Jump up^ Julia Balbilla a possible lover of Sabina: A. R. Birley (1997), Hadrian, the Restless Emperor, p. 251, cited in Levick (2014), p. 30, who is sceptical of this suggestion. Jump up^ Husband of Rupilia Faustina: Levick (2014), p. 163. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Levick (2014), p. 163. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Levick (2014), p. 162. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Levick (2014), p. 164. Jump up^ Wife of M. Annius Verus: Giacosa (1977), p. 10. Jump up^ Wife of M. Annius Libo: Levick (2014), p. 163. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Giacosa (1977), p. 10. Jump up^ The epitomator of Cassius Dio (72.22) gives the story that Faustina the Elder promised to marry Avidius Cassius. This is also echoed in HA « Marcus Aurelius » 24. Jump up^ Husband of Ceionia Fabia: Levick (2014), p. 164. ^ Jump up to:a b c Levick (2014), p. 117.
References: DIR contributors (2000). « De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and Their Families ». Retrieved 2015-04-14. Giacosa, Giorgio (1977). Women of the Caesars: Their Lives and Portraits on Coins. Translated by R. Ross Holloway. Milan: Edizioni Arte e Moneta. ISBN 0-8390-0193-2. Lambert, Royston (1984). Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous. New York: Viking. ISBN 0-670-15708-2. Levick, Barbara (2014). Faustina I and II: Imperial Women of the Golden Age. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537941-9. William Smith, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

Notes

1. Jump up^ In Classical Latin, Hadrian’s name would be inscribed as PVBLIVS AELIVS HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
2. Jump up^ As emperor his name was Imperator Caesar Divi Traiani filius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus.

Citations[edit]

1. Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos y argumentos para una secular polémica, Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367-408.
2. Jump up^ Mary T. Boatwright (2008). « From Domitian to Hadrian ». In Barrett, Anthony. Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4.
3. Jump up^ Eutr. VIII. 6: « … nam eum (Hadrianum) Traianus, quamquam consobrinae suae filium … » and SHA, Vita Hadr. I, 2: …pater Aelius Hadrianus cognomento Afer fuit, consobrinus Traiani imperatoris.
4. Jump up^ After A. M. Canto, in La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (98-192 dC): Ni tan «Buenos», ni tan «Adoptivos», ni tan «Antoninos», Gerión 21/1, 2003, 305-347, specifically pp. 322, 328, 341 and footnote 124, where she stands out SHA, Vita Hadr. 1.2: pro filio habitus(years 93); 3.2: ad bellum Dacicum Traianum familiarius prosecutus est (year 101) or, principally, 3.7: quare adamante gemma quam Traianus a Nerva acceperat donatus ad spem successionis erectus est (year 107).
5. Jump up^ Royston Lambert, 1984, p. 175
6. Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, « Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr). His father died in AD 86 when Hadrian was at the age of 10. 1, 3″, Athenaeum vol. 92.2, 2004, pp. 367–408 UNIPV.it Archived 15 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
7. Jump up^ Ronald Syme, in his paper « Hadrian and Italica » (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 1964; pp. 142–149) supported the position that Rome was Hadrian’s birthplace. Canto, however, argues that only one extant ancient source gives Hadrian’s birthplace as Rome (SHA, Vita Hadr 2,4, probably interpolated), as opposed to 25 other sources affirming that he was born in Italica. Among these alternative sources is Hadrian’s own imperial horoscope, included in the surviving fragments of an astrological compendium attributed to Antigonus of Nicaea, written during the late 2nd century:cf. Stephan Heiler, « The Emperor Hadrian in the Horoscopes of Antigonus of Nicaea », in Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin, Kocku von Stuckrad, eds.,Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the History of Astrology. Berlim: Walter de Gruyter, 2005, ISBN 978-3-11-018545-4, page 49. This horoscope was well studied by prominent authors such as F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 37, Philadelphia, 1954 (repr. 1996), see for Hadrian pp. 162–178, fn. 121b and 122, etc.: « … Hadrian – whose horoscope is absolutely certain – surely was born in southern Spain … (in) SHA, Hadrian, 2, 4, the birth was erroneously assigned to Rome instead of Italica, the actual birthplace of Hadrian… », or O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen in their magisterial compilation Greek Horoscopes, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 48, Philadelphia, 1959, nr. L76, see now here, ed. 1987 pp. 80, 90–1, and his footnote 19. They came also to the conclusion that the astronomic parallel of the Hadrian’s birth is situated in the Baetica, today Andalusia: « …L40 agrees exactly with the geographical latitude of southern Spain, the place of origin of Hadrian and his family…« .. « since Hadrian was born in Italica (southern Spain, near Seville, latitude about 37° 30)… ».
8. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, ‘Hadrian’, I-II, here explicitly citing the autobiography. This is one of the passages in the Historia Augusta where there is no reason to suspect invention. But see now the Canto’s 31 contrary arguments in the op.cit. supra; among them, in the same Historia Augusta and, from the same author, Aelius Spartianus, Vita Sev. 21: Falsus est etiam ipse Traianus in suo municipe ac nepote diligendo, see also es:Adriano#cite note-nacimiento-0, and, characterizing him as a man of provinces (Canto, ibid.): Vita Hadr. 1,3: Quaesturam gessit Traiano quater et Articuleio consulibus, in qua cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pronuntians risus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis operam dedit
9. Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, « La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos ». Gerión (21.1): 263–305. 2003
10. Jump up^ On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian’s birth see R. Syme, ‘Spaniards at Tivoli’, in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Tivoli (Tibur) was of course the site of Hadrian’s own imperial villa.
11. ^ Jump up to:^a b Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
12. Jump up^ Aulus Gellius, Noct.Att. XVI, 13, 4, and some inscriptions in the city with C(olonia) A(elia) A(ugusta) I(talica)
13. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
14. Jump up^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3, p. 109
15. Jump up^ Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p. – 39
16. Jump up^ Jörg Fündling, Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie 3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-7749-3390-1, p. 351.
17. Jump up^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis, p. 109; Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History – XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2, p. 133.
18. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 54
19. Jump up^ Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158
20. Jump up^ The text of Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani, 3.8) is garbled, stating that Hadrian’s election to the praetorship was contemporary « to the second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus » – two characters that had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian’s election could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted
21. ^ Jump up to:^a b Bowman, p. 133
22. Jump up^ Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: « holding back the Sarmatians » may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
23. Jump up^ The inscription in footnote 1
24. Jump up^ The Athenian inscription confirms and expands the one in Historia Augusta; see John Bodel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6, p. 89
25. Jump up^ His career in office up to 112/113 is attested by the Athens inscription, 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau 308 = IDRE 2, 365: decemvir stlitibus iudicandis/ sevir turmae equitum Romanorum/ praefectus Urbi feriarum Latinarum/ tribunus militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in Germania Superior)/ quaestor (101)/ ab actis senatus/ tribunus plebis (105)/ praetor (106)/ legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in Germania Inferior)/ legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae Inferioris (107)/ consul suffectus (108)/ septemvir epulonum (before 112)/ sodalis Augustalis (before 112)/ archon Athenis (112/13). He also held office as legatus Syriae (117): see H. W. Benario in Roman-emperors.org
26. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
27. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
28. Jump up^ Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
29. Jump up^ François Chausson, « Variétés Généalogiques IV:Cohésion, Collusions, Collisions: Une Autre Dynastie Antonine », in Giorgio Bonamente, Hartwin Brandt, eds., Historiae Augustae Colloquium Bambergense. Bari: Edipuglia, 2007, ISBN 978-88-7228-492-6, p.143
30. Jump up^ Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: « Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial ». Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available at [1]. Retrieved January 11, 2017
31. Jump up^ Marasco, p. 375
32. Jump up^ Tracy Jennings, « A Man Among Gods: Evaluating the Signficance of Hadrian’s Acts of Deification. » Journal of Undergraduate Research: 54. Available at [2] Archived16 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine.. Accessed April 15, 2017
33. Jump up^ This made Hadrian the first senator in history to have an Augusta as his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to notice: see Christer Brun, « Matidia die Jüngere », IN Anne Kolb, ed., Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, p. 230
34. Jump up^ Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia, Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1, p. 120
35. Jump up^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2008, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 556
36. Jump up^ Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p.170
37. Jump up^ David L. Balch, Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X, p. 301
38. Jump up^ Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
39. Jump up^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
40. Jump up^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. Cambridge U. Press: 2007, ISBN 0-521-80918-5, p. 229
41. Jump up^ Fündling, 335
42. Jump up^ Gabriele Marasco, ed., Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8, p. 375
43. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
44. Jump up^ In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World of Roman Costume. University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p. 78
45. Jump up^ Fündling, 351
46. Jump up^ Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
47. Jump up^ John Richardson, « The Roman Mind and the power of fiction » IN Lewis Ayres, Ian Gray Kidd, eds. The Passionate Intellect: Essays on the Transformation of Classical Traditions : Presented to Professor I.G. Kidd. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56000-210-7, p. 128
48. Jump up^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
49. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 80
50. Jump up^ Stephan Brassloff, « Die Rechtsfrage bei der Adoption Hadrians ». Hermes 49. Bd., H. 4 (Sep., 1914), pp. 590–601
51. Jump up^ The coin legend runs HADRIANO TRAIANO CAESARI; see Roman, Yves, Rémy, Bernard & Riccardi, Laurent: » Les intrigues de Plotine et la succession de Trajan. À propos d’un aureus au nom d’Hadrien César ». Révue des études anciennes, T. 111, 2009, no. 2, pp. 508-517
52. Jump up^ Kennedy, Maev (2008-06-09). « How Victorian restorers faked the clothes that seemed to show Hadrian’s softer side ». Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2008-06-09.
53. Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
54. Jump up^ John Antony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge University Press: 1955, pp. 54f
55. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 6.2
56. Jump up^ Egyptian papyri tell of one such ceremony between 117 and 118; see Michael Peppard, The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in Its Social and Political Context. Oxford U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-975370-3, pp. 72f
57. Jump up^ Royston Lambert, p. 34
58. Jump up^ Cizek, Eugen. L’éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le  » complot  » des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé, no. 3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Retrieved June 10, 2015. Available at [3]
59. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Elizabeth Speller.
60. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 88
61. Jump up^ Marasco, p. 377
62. Jump up^ M. Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1, p. 158
63. Jump up^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d’Auguste à Constantin. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pp. 46f
64. Jump up^ Andrew Crawford Wilson, « Image and ideology : Roman imperialism and frontier policy in the second century A.D. ». Australian National University, M.A. Thesis, 1992, available at [4]. Retrieved May 23, 2015
65. Jump up^ Carcopino Jérôme. « L’hérédité dynastique chez les Antonins ». Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 51, 1949, no.3–4. pp. 262–321.
66. Jump up^ Nigrinus’ ambiguous relationship with Hadrian would have consequences late in Hadrian’s reign, when he had to plan his own succession; see Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
67. Jump up^ It is probable that Attianus was executed (or was already dead) by the end of Hadrian’s reign; see Françoise Des Boscs-Plateaux, Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d’Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2005, ISBN 84-95555-80-8, p. 611
68. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 91
69. Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 158
70. Jump up^ Richard P. Saller, Personal Patronage Under the Early Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2002, ISBN 0-521-23300-3, p. 140
71. Jump up^ Richard A. Bauman, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-203-42858-7, p. 83
72. Jump up^ Digest, 49 2, I,2, quoted by P.E. Corbett, « The Legislation of Hadrian ». University of Pennsylvania Law Review and American Law Register, Vol. 74, No. 8 (Jun., 1926), pp. 753–766
73. Jump up^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 153
74. Jump up^ Rose Mary Sheldon, Intelligence Activities in Ancient Rome: Trust in the Gods But Verify. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-7146-5480-9, p. 253
75. Jump up^ Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le Cirque, Paris: Seuil, 1976, ISBN 2-02-004507-9, p. 655
76. Jump up^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, Routledge, 2014 Hadrian
77. Jump up^ Paul Veyne,  » Humanitas: Romans and non-Romans ». In Andrea Giardina, ed., The Romans, University of Chicago Press: 1993, ISBN 0-226-29049-2, p. 364
78. ^ Jump up to:^a b Christol & Nony, p. 159
79. Jump up^ Simon Goldhill, Being Greek Under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 12 ISBN 0-521-66317-2
80. Jump up^ Larry Joseph Kreitzer, Striking New Images: Roman Imperial Coinage and the New Testament World. Sheffield: A & C Black, 1996, ISBN 1-85075-623-6, pp. 194ff
81. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 123
82. Jump up^ Opper, p. 79
83. Jump up^ Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, xi, 2
84. Jump up^ Patrick le Roux, Le haut-Empire romain en Occident d’Auguste aux Sévères. Paris: Seuil, 1998, ISBN 2-02-025932-X, p. 396
85. Jump up^ Breeze, David J., and Brian Dobson, « Hadrian’s Wall: Some Problems », Britannia, Vol. 3, (1972), pp. 182–208
86. Jump up^ « Britannia on British Coins ». Chard. Retrieved 2006-06-25.
87. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
88. Jump up^ Potter, David S. (2014). The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 9781134694778.
89. Jump up^ Jason König, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, Greg Woolf, eds. Ancient Libraries. Cambridge U. Press: 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01256-1, page 251
90. Jump up^ Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome.
91. Jump up^ William E. Mierse, Temples and Towns in Roman Iberia: The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009, ISBN 0-520-20377-1, page 141
92. Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 41–2
93. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 151–2
94. Jump up^ The rebuilding continued until late in Hadrian’s reign; in 138 a statue of Zeus was erected there, dedicated to Hadrian as Cyrene’s « saviour and founder ». See E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian : a Study in Political Relations. Leiden, Brill, 2001, 0-391-04155-X, p. 410
95. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 153–5
96. ^ Jump up to:^a b Anthony Birley, pp. 157–8
97. Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 60–1
98. Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 171
99. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 164–7
100. Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 136
101. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 175–7
102. Jump up^ Kaja Harter-Uibopuu, « Hadrian and the Athenian Oil Law », in O.M. Van Nijf – R. Alston (ed.), Feeding the Ancient Greek city. Groningen- Royal Holloway Studies on the Greek City after the Classical Age, vol. 1, Louvain 2008, pp. 127–141
103. Jump up^ Brenda Longfellow, Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form, Meaning and Ideology in Monumental Fountain Complexes. Cambridge U. Press: 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-19493-8, p. 120
104. Jump up^ Verhoogen Violette. Review of Graindor (Paul). Athènes sous Hadrien, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 1935, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 926–931. Available at [5]. Retrieved June 20, 2015
105. Jump up^ Mark Golden, Greek Sport and Social Status, University of Texas Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-292-71869-2, p. 88
106. Jump up^ Cynthia Kosso, Anne Scott, eds., The Nature and Function of Water, Baths, Bathing, and Hygiene from Antiquity Through the Renaissance. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17357-6, pp. 216f
107. Jump up^ Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios. OUP : 2010, ISBN 978-0-19-956190-2, p. 171
108. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 177–80
109. Jump up^ David S. Potter,The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-84054-5, p. 44
110. Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 134
111. Jump up^ K. W. Arafat, Pausanias’ Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers. Cambridge U. Press, 2004, ISBN 0-521-55340-7, p. 162
112. Jump up^ K. W. Arafat, p. 185
113. Jump up^ Birley, « Hadrian and Greek Senators », Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik116 (1997), pp. 209–245. Retrieved July 23, 2015
114. Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 203
115. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 182–4
116. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 191–200
117. Jump up^ J. Declareuil, Rome the Law-Giver, London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-15613-0, p. 72
118. Jump up^ Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0-520-22067-6
119. Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 71–2
120. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 213–4
121. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 215–20
122. Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 81
123. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 235
124. Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 142
125. Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 173
126. Jump up^ Historia Augusta (c. 395) Hadr. 14.5–7
127. Jump up^ Cassius Dio, LIX.11; Historia Augusta, Hadrian
128. Jump up^ Tim Cornell, Dr Kathryn Lomas, eds., Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy. London: Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0-415-14689-5, p. 97
129. Jump up^ Carl F. Petry, ed. The Cambridge History of Egypt, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-47137-4, p. 15
130. Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 150
131. Jump up^ Anthony Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical TraditionCambridge U. Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-87688-9, p. 38
132. Jump up^ Fernando A. Marín Valdés, Plutarco y el arte de la Atenas hegemónica. Universidad de Oviedo: 2008, ISBN 978-84-8317-659-7, p. 76
133. Jump up^ A. J. S. Spawforth, Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution. Cambridge University Press: 2011, ISBN 978-1-107-01211-0, p. 262
134. Jump up^ Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World. Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9, p. 176
135. Jump up^ Georg Simmel, Sociology: Inquiries into the Construction of Social Forms. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17321-7, p. 288
136. Jump up^ Marcel Le Glay. « Hadrien et l’Asklépieion de Pergame ». In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Volume 100, livraison 1, 1976. pp. 347–372. Available at [6]. Retrieved July 24, 2015.
137. Jump up^ Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9, page 177
138. Jump up^ Andrew M. Smith II, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-986110-1, page 25; Robert K. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge University Press:1988, ISBN 0-521-33887-5, page 190
139. Jump up^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d’Auguste à Constantin (31 av. J.-C.-337 ap. J.-C.). Leiden: Brill,2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pages 104/105
140. Jump up^ Laura Salah Nasrallah, Christian Responses to Roman Art and Architecture: The Second-Century Church Amid the Spaces of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2010 ISBN 978-0-521-76652-4, page 96
141. Jump up^ Giovanni Battista Bazzana, « The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Hadrian’s religious policy », IN Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pages 89/91
142. Jump up^ Bazzana, 98
143. Jump up^ Cf a project devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo: see Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians, 4
144. Jump up^ Emmanuel Friedheim, « Some notes about the Samaritans and the Rabbinic Class at Crossroads » IN Menachem Mor, Friedrich V. Reiterer, eds., Samaritans – Past and Present: Current Studies. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5, page 197
145. Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Tübingen 1981, pages 29–50.
146. Jump up^ Chronicle of Jerome, s.v. Hadrian. See: [7] See also Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba, Random House New York 1971, pp. 22, 258
147. Jump up^ Alexander Zephyr, Rabbi Akiva, Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Ten Tribes of Israel. Bloomington: iUniverse, 2013, ISBN 978-1-4917-1256-6
148. Jump up^ Schäfer, Peter (1998). Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World. Harvard University Press. pp. 103–105. ISBN 978-0-674-04321-3. Retrieved 2014-02-01. […] Hadrian’s ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE […]. The only proof for Hadrian’s ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: ‘At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). […] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial […] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian’s successor […] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian […] indeed considered circumcision as a ‘barbarous mutilation’ and tried to prohihit it. […] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples.
149. Jump up^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
150. Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Mohr Siebeck, 2003 p. 68
151. Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge:2003, p. 146
152. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian14.2
153. Jump up^ Shaye Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Third Edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,2014, ISBN 978-0-664-23904-6, pp. 25–26
154. Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, Tübingen 1981, pp. 29–50
155. Jump up^ Possibly the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian’s reign; see [http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xxii_deiotariana.html livius.org account; however, Peter Schäfer, following Bowersock, finds no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII. A loss of such magnitude would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
156. Jump up^ Cassius Dio 69, 14.3Roman History. Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[…]
157. Jump up^ Daniel R. Schwartz, Zeev Weiss, eds., Was 70 CE a Watershed in Jewish History?: On Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-21534-4, page 529, footnote 42
158. Jump up^ Epiphanius, Treatise on Weights and Measures – Syriac Version (ed. James Elmer Dean), University of Chicago Press, c1935, p. 30
159. Jump up^ Ken Dowden, Zeus. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-30502-0, page 58.
160. Jump up^ Anna Collar, Religious Networks in the Roman Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2, pp. 248-249
161. Jump up^ Geza Vermes, Who’s Who in the Age of Jesus, Penguin: 2006, no ISBN given, entry « Hadrian »
162. Jump up^ Ronald Syme, « Journeys of Hadrian » (1988), pp. 164–9
163. Jump up^ Ronald Syme, « Journeys Of Hadrian ». Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 73 (1988) 159–170. Available at [8]. Retrieved January 20, 2017.
164. Jump up^ Mellor, R., « The Goddess Roma » in Haase, W., Temporini, H., (eds), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, de Gruyter, 1991, ISBN 3-11-010389-3, pp. 960-964
165. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 10.3
166. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 23.9
167. Jump up^ Anne Kolb, Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, pages 26/27
168. Jump up^ Olivier Hekster, Emperors and Ancestors: Roman Rulers and the Constraints of Tradition. Oxford U. Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-873682-0, pages 140/142
169. Jump up^ Merlin Alfred. Passion et politique chez les Césars (review of Jérôme Carcopino, Passion et politique chez les Césars). In: Journal des savants. Jan.-Mar. 1958. pp. 5–18. Available at [9]. Retrieved June 12, 2015.
170. Jump up^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines : A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. London: Routledge, 2014, p. 699
171. Jump up^ Cizek, « L’éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus »
172. Jump up^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-74582-6, p. 102
173. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 289–292.
174. ^ Jump up to:^a b The adoptions: Anthony Birley, pp. 294–5; T.D. Barnes, ‘Hadrian and Lucius Verus’, Journal of Roman Studies (1967), Ronald Syme, Tacitus, p. 601. Antoninus as a legate of Italy: Anthony Birley, p. 199
175. Jump up^ Annius Verus was also the step-grandson of the Prefect of Rome, Lucius Catilius Severus, one of the remnants of the all-powerful group of Spanish senators from Trajan’s reign. Hadrian would likely have shown some favor to the grandson in order to count on the grandfather’s support; for an account of the various familial and marital alliances involved, see Des Boscs-Plateaux, pp. 241, 311, 477, 577; see also Frank McLynn,Marcus Aurelius: A Life. New York: Da Capo, 2010, ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2, p. 84
176. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 291–2
177. Jump up^ Dio 69.17.2
178. Jump up^ Anthony Birley, p. 297
179. ^ Jump up to:^a b Salmon, 816
180. Jump up^ Dio 70.1.1
181. Jump up^ Samuel Ball Platner, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-1-108-08324-9, page 250
182. Jump up^ Christian Bechtold, Gott und Gestirn als Präsenzformen des toten Kaisers: Apotheose und Katasterismos in der politischen Kommunikation der römischen Kaiserzeit und ihre Anknüpfungspunkte im Hellenismus.V&R unipress GmbH: 2011, ISBN 978-3-89971-685-6, p. 259
183. Jump up^ Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 0-520-22067-6, p. 330
184. Jump up^ W. Den Boer, Some Minor Roman Historians, Leiden: Brill, 1972, ISBN 90-04-03545-1, p. 41
185. Jump up^ Yann Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army. London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-22295-8, p. 55
186. Jump up^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1, p. 381
187. Jump up^ This partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco; see Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 84 & 86.
188. Jump up^ Eutropius‘ notion that Hadrian contemplated withdrawing from Dacia altogether appears to be unfounded; see Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
189. Jump up^ Julian Bennett, Trajan-Optimus Priceps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-253-21435-1, p. 165
190. Jump up^ Opper, Empire and Conflict, p. 67
191. Jump up^ N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople. London: Routledge, 2002, p. 4
192. Jump up^ Austin & Rankov, p. 30
193. Jump up^ Fergus Millar, Rome, the Greek World, and the East: Volume 2: Government, Society, and Culture in the Roman Empire. The University of North Carolina Press, 2005, ISBN 0-8078-2852-1, p. 183
194. Jump up^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
195. Jump up^ Opper, p. 85
196. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 209-212
197. Jump up^ Luttvak, Edward N. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, ISBN 0-8018-2158-4, p. 123
198. Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 180
199. Jump up^ The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors– Google Knihy. Books.google.cz. December 11, 2012. ISBN 978-1-78076-060-5. Retrieved 2016-09-03.
200. Jump up^ Fronto: Selected Letters. Edited by Caillan Davenport & Jenifer Manley, London: AC & Black, 2014, ISBN 978-1-78093-442-6, pp. 184f
201. Jump up^ Laura Jansen, The Roman Paratext: Frame, Texts, Readers, Cambridge University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-1-107-02436-6 p. 66
202. Jump up^ Kathleen Kuiper (Editor), Ancient Rome: From Romulus and Remus to the Visigoth Invasion, New York: Britannica Educational Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9p. 133
203. Jump up^ A. Arthur Schiller, Roman Law: Mechanisms of Development, Walter de Gruyter: 1978, ISBN 90-279-7744-5 p. 471
204. ^ Jump up to:^a b Salmon, 812
205. Jump up^ R.V. Nind Hopkins, Life of Alexander Severus, CUP Archive, p. 110
206. Jump up^ Adolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Volume 43, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968, ISBN 0-87169-435-2 p. 650
207. Jump up^ Salmon, 813
208. Jump up^ Garnsey, Peter, « Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire », Past & Present, No. 41 (Dec., 1968), pp. 9, 13 (note 35), 16, published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/650001 (accessed: 03-12-2017 21:20 UTC)
209. Jump up^ Westermann, 109
210. Jump up^ Marcel Morabito, Les realités de l’esclavage d’après Le Digeste. Paris: Presses Univ. Franche-C omté, 1981, ISBN 978-2-251-60254-7, p. 230
211. Jump up^ Donald G. Kyle, Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2012, ISBN 0-415-09678-2;William Linn Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1955, p. 115
212. Jump up^ Digest 48.18.21; quoted by Q.F. Robinson, Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007ISBN 978-0-415-41651-1, p.107
213. Jump up^ Judith Perkins, Roman Imperial Identities in the Early Christian Era. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-39744-5
214. Jump up^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 102
215. Jump up^ Digest, 48.8.4.2, quoted by Paul Du Plessis, Borkowski’s Textbook on Roman Law. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-957488-9, p. 95
216. Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
217. Jump up^ Garzetti, p. 411
218. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
219. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 108f
220. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 107
221. Jump up^ Gradel, Ittai, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-19-815275-2, pp. 194-5.
222. Jump up^ Howgego, in Howgego, C., Heuchert, V., Burnett, A., (eds), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces, Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-19-926526-8, pp. 6, 10.
223. Jump up^ Hadrian’s « Hellenic » emotionalism finds a culturally sympathetic echo in the Homeric Achilles’ mourning for his friend Patroclus: see discussion in Vout, Caroline, Power and eroticism in Imperial Rome, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-521-86739-8, pp. 52–135.
224. Jump up^ Craig A. Williams, Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. Oxford University Press: 1999, ISBN 978-0-19-511300-6, pp. 60f
225. Jump up^ Elsner, pp. 176f
226. Jump up^ Williams, p. 61
227. Jump up^ Jás Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford History of Art, Oxford U.P., 1998, ISBN 0-19-284201-3, p. 183f.
228. Jump up^ Marco Rizzi, p. 12
229. Jump up^ see Trevor W. Thompson « Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt » for the persistence of Antinous’s cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian’s accession is not entirely clear.
230. Jump up^ Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, p. 89
231. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 127 and 183.
232. Jump up^ Alessandro Galimberti, « Hadrian, Eleusis, and the beginnings of Christian apologetics » in Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pp. 77f
233. Jump up^ Robert M. Haddad, The Case for Christianity: St. Justin Martyr’s Arguments for Religious Liberty and Judicial Justice. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010, ISBN 978-1-58979-575-4, p. 16
234. Jump up^ It was lost in large part to despoliation by the Cardinal d’Este, who had much of the marble removed to build the Villa d’Este in the 16th century.
235. Jump up^ Ilan Vit-Suzan, Architectural Heritage Revisited: A Holistic Engagement of its Tangible and Intangible Constituents . Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, ISBN 978-1-4724-2062-6, p. 20
236. Jump up^ Juan Gil & Sofía Torallas Tovar, Hadrianus. Barcelona: CSIC, 2010, ISBN 978-84-00-09193-4, p. 100
237. Jump up^ Direct links to Hadrian’s poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton’s translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
238. Jump up^ T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, p. 591
239. Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26
240. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
241. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574
242. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62
243. Jump up^ The Historia Augusta however claims that « he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face », H.A. 26.1
244. Jump up^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 578
245. Jump up^ For instance, a probably bogus anecdote in Historia Augusta relates that as tribune he had lost a cloak that emperors never wore: Michael Reiche, ed., Antike Autobiographien: Werke, Epochen, Gattungen. Köln: Böhlau, 2005, ISBN 3-412-10505-8, p. 225
246. Jump up^ Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Measuring Heaven: Pythagoras and His Influence on Thought and Art in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press: 2007, ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1, p. 177
247. Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
248. Jump up^ see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian’s « Animula, vagula, blandula … »including translations by Henry Vaughan, A. Pope, Lord Byron.
249. Jump up^ A.A.Barb, « Animula, Vagula, Blandula », Folklore, 61, 1950 : « … since Casaubonalmost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem »
250. Jump up^ see Note 2 in Emanuela Andreoni Fontecedro’s « Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco », Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
251. Jump up^ « tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos », Historia Augusta, ibidem
252. Jump up^ Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p.48
253. Jump up^ Varius multiplex multiformis in the anonymous, ancient Epitome de Caesaribus, 14.6: cf Ronald Syme, among others; see Ando, footnote 172
254. Jump up^ McLynn, 42
255. Jump up^ « Wytse Keulen, Eloquence rules: the ambiguous image of Hadrian in Fronto’s correspondence ». [10] Retrieved February 20, 2015
256. Jump up^ James Uden (2010). « The Contest of Homer and Hesiod and the ambitions of Hadrian ». Journal of Hellenic Studies, 130 (2010), pp. 121-135.[11]. Accessed October 16, 2017
257. Jump up^ Paul Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain, p. 40
258. Jump up^ Apud Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain, 65
259. Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 1
260. Jump up^ Edward Togo Salmon,A History of the Roman World from 30 B.C. to A.D. 138. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-04504-5, pp. 314f
261. Jump up^ Victoria Emma Pagán, A Companion to Tacitus. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4051-9032-9, page 1
262. Jump up^ Marache, R.: R. Syme, Tacitus, 1958. In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 61, 1959, n°1–2. pp. 202–206.available at [12]. Accessed April 30, 2017
263. Jump up^ Steven H. Rutledge, « Writing Imperial Politics: The Social and Political Background » IN William J. Dominik, ed;, Writing Politics in Imperial Rome Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-15671-5, p.60
264. Jump up^ Adam M. Kemezis, « Lucian, Fronto, and the absence of contemporary historiography under the Antonines ». The American Journal of Philology Vol. 131, No. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 285–325
265. Jump up^ Paul Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4, p. 312. In the French original: de l’Alexandre Dumas, du péplum et un peu d’Ubu Roi.
266. Jump up^ Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2, p. 93
267. Jump up^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History’, XI: the High Empire, 70–192 A.D.Cambridge University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0521263351, p. 132
268. Jump up^ Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20/26
269. ^ Jump up to:^a b c Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X, p. 7
270. Jump up^ Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results of Ernst Kornemann‘s attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography’s facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful.
271. Jump up^ Thomas E. Jenkins, Antiquity Now: The Classical World in the Contemporary American Imagination. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0, paget121
272. Jump up^ A’haron Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society.Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005, ISBN 3-16-148514-9, page 199
273. Jump up^ Susanne Mortensen: Hadrian. Eine Deutungsgeschichte. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
274. Jump up^ Franco Sartori, « L’oecuménisme d’un empereur souvent méconnu : [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento« . In: Dialogues d’histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297. Available at [13]. Retrieved January 19, 2017
275. Jump up^ The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, page 4

References

Primary sources

• Cassius Dio or Dio Cassius Roman History. Greek Text and Translation by Earnest Cary at internet archive
• Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Augustan History. Latin Text Translated by David Magie
• Aurelius Victor, Caesares, XIV. Latin « Caesares: text – IntraText CT ». Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13.
• Anon, Excerpta of Aurelius Victor: Epitome de Caesaribus, XIII. Latin « Epitome De Caesaribus: text – IntraText CT ». Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13.

Inscriptions:

• Eusebius of Caesarea, Church History (Book IV), « Church History ». http://www.newadvent.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13.
• Smallwood, E.M, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva Trajan and Hadrian, Cambridge, 1966.

Secondary sources

• Barnes, T. D. (1967). « Hadrian and Lucius Verus ». Journal of Roman Studies. 57(1/2): 65–79. doi:10.2307/299345. JSTOR 299345.
• Birley, Anthony R. (1997). Hadrian. The restless emperor. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16544-X.
• Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. (2002). Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Priceton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04889-4.
• Canto, Alicia M. (2004). « Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr. 1, 3″. Athenaeum. 92.2: 367–408. Archived from the original on October 15, 2007.
• Dobson, Brian (2000). Hadrian’s Wall. London: Penguin.
• Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, 1776. The Online Library of Liberty « Online Library of Liberty – The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1 ». Oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13.
• Lambert, Royston (1997). Beloved and God: the story of Hadrian and Antinous. London: Phoenix Giants. ISBN 1-85799-944-4.
• Speller, Elizabeth (2003). Following Hadrian: a second-century journey through the Roman Empire. London: Review. ISBN 0-7472-6662-X.
• Syme, Ronald (1997) [1958]. Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814327-3.
• Syme, Ronald (1964). « Hadrian and Italica ». Journal of Roman Studies. LIV: 142–9. doi:10.2307/298660.
• Syme, Ronald (1988). « Journeys of Hadrian » (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 73: 159–170. Retrieved 2006-12-12. Reprinted in Syme, Ronald (1991). Roman Papers VI. Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. 346–357. ISBN 0-19-814494-6.

Further reading

• Danziger, Danny; Purcell, Nicholas (2006). Hadrian’s empire : when Rome ruled the world. London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 0-340-83361-0.
• Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
• Gray, William Dodge (1919). « A Study of the life of Hadrian Prior to His Accession ». Smith College Studies in History. 4: 151–209.
• Gregorovius, Ferdinand (1898). The Emperor Hadrian: A Picture of the Greco-Roman World in His Time. Mary E. Robinson, trans. London: Macmillan.
• Henderson, Bernard W. (1923). Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen.
• Ish-Kishor, Sulamith (1935). Magnificent Hadrian: A Biography of Hadrian, Emperor of Rome. New York: Minton, Balch and Co.
• Perowne, Stewart (1960). Hadrian. London: Hodder and Stoughton.

Hadrian.

Hadrian Nervan-Antonian dynasty Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138
Regnal titles
Preceded by Trajan	Roman Emperor 117–138	Succeeded by Antoninus Pius
Political offices
Preceded by Appius Annius Trebonius Gallus, and Marcus Appius Bradua as Ordinary consuls	Suffect consul of the Roman Empire 108 with Marcus Trebatius Priscus	Succeeded by Quintus Pompeius Falco, and Marcus Titius Lustricus Bruttianus as Suffect consuls
Preceded by ignotus, and Gnaeus Minicius Faustinus as Suffect consuls	Consul of the Roman Empire 118 with Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator Bellicius Tebanianus Gaius Ummidius Quadratus	Succeeded by Lucius Pompeius Bassus, and Titus Sabinius Barbarus as Suffect consuls
Preceded by Lucius Pompeius Bassus, and Titus Sabinius Barbarus as Suffect consuls	Consul of the Roman Empire 119 with Publius Dasumius Rusticus, followed by Aulus Platorius Nepos	Succeeded by Marcus Paccius Silvanus Quintus Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus, and Quintus Vibius Gallus as Suffect consuls

 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadrian

http://www.giacobbegiusti.com

Giacobbe Giusti, ハドリアヌス

この記事には複数の問題があります。改善やノートページでの議論にご協力ください。 出典がまったく示されていないか不十分です。内容に関する文献や情報源が必要です。（2010年5月） 脚注による出典の参照が不十分です。脚注を追加してください。（2016年5月）

この項目では、古代ローマ皇帝について説明しています。その他の用法については「ハドリアヌス (曖昧さ回避)」をご覧ください。

ハドリアヌス Hadrianus
ローマ皇帝 Giacobbe Giusti, ハドリアヌス
ハドリアヌス胸像
在位	117年8月11日 – 138年7月10日
全名	プブリウス・アエリウス・トラヤヌス・ハドリアヌス Publius Aelius Trajanus Hadrianus
出生	紀元76年1月24日 ヒスパニア・バエティカ
死去	紀元138年7月10日（62歳没） バイアエ（ナポリ近郊）
継承者	アントニヌス・ピウス
配偶者	サビナ
子女	ルキウス・アエリウス・カエサル(養子) アントニヌス・ピウス(養子)
王朝	ネルウァ＝アントニヌス朝
父親	プブリウス・アエリウス・ハドリアヌス・アフェル
母親	ドミティア・パウリナ
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プブリウス・アエリウス・トラヤヌス・ハドリアヌス（古典ラテン語: Publius Aelius Trajanus Hadrianus （プーブリウス・アエリウス・トライヤーヌス・ハドリアーヌス）、76年1月24日 – 138年7月10日）は、第14代ローマ皇帝（在位：117年 – 138年）。ネルウァ＝アントニヌス朝の第3代目皇帝。帝国各地をあまねく視察して帝国の現状把握に努める一方、トラヤヌス帝による帝国拡大路線を放棄し、現実的判断に基づく国境安定化路線へと転換した。

目次

 [非表示] 

• 1治世・歴史的評価
  • 1.1皇帝即位からローマ帰還まで
  • 1.2ハドリアヌスの業績
  • 1.3皇帝と元老院との関係
  • 1.4その他
• 2建築物
  • 2.1ローマ市内
  • 2.2属州地
• 3最期の詩
• 4家系図
• 5逸話
• 6伝記
• 7ハドリアヌスが登場する作品
• 8脚注
  • 8.1注釈
  • 8.2出典
• 9参考文献
• 10関連書籍

治世・歴史的評価

皇帝即位からローマ帰還まで

ハドリアヌスはローマで生まれた（原籍があるヒスパニア・バエティカのイタリカで生まれたとの説もある）。トラヤヌスの従兄弟の子である。

93年（または94年）、二十人委員の職に就き、民生関係の修行をした。ついで、パンノニア、モエシア・インフェリオル及びゲルマニア・スペリオル各属州で高級軍団将校を務める。その後101年、元首財務官に就任、トラヤヌスの秘書を務める。皇帝の演説を元老院で代読したのは、この時のことである。105年護民官に就任、ついで法務官（プラエトル）に任命された。その後、軍団司令官として第2次ダキア戦争に従軍、この戦争で実績を重ね、107年からは属州長官として下部パンノニアを治めた。この属州の長官のときの功績により、108年には数か月間、補充執政官を務めた。

114年から開始されたパルティア戦争では軍団の司令官に任命され、参謀本部内でトラヤヌスの補佐役として優れた手腕を発揮した。117年、トラヤヌスは、ハドリアヌスを属州シリアの総督に任命した。病を得たトラヤヌスは、ハドリアヌスをパルティア遠征軍の総司令官に任命し、ローマへ帰国の途につく。しかし、トラヤヌスはキリキア地方のセリヌスで不帰の人となった。死の床でトラヤヌスはハドリアヌスを養子に指名したが、これは皇后プロティナの支持があったからだといわれる。

8月9日、アンティオキア滞在中のハドリアヌスにトラヤヌスの養子となった旨の書簡が届く。その2日後、トラヤヌス逝去を報ずる書簡が届いた。このとき、ハドリアヌスは配下の軍隊から「インペラトル（皇帝）」と歓呼された。公式にはこの日が「即位の日」とされる。ハドリアヌスはセリヌスへいって弔問したあと、再びシリアへ戻る。その際、東部国境の安定化のため、属州メソポタミアとアルメニアの放棄を決定した。その処理が終わると、蛮族の侵入によって不穏な情勢にあったドナウ川流域を訪れ、属州ダキアと属州モエシアを再編成し、翌年7月、ようやくローマへ帰還した。

ハドリアヌスの帝位継承については、元老院議員の一部から異論が出るおそれがあった。そのためであろう、かつてハドリアヌスの後見人であった腹心の近衛長官アッティアヌスは予防的措置として、「元老院の命令により」、執政官を経験した有力な元老院議員4名を殺害させた（ハドリアヌスが命じたとする研究者もいる）。

ハドリアヌスの業績

先代トラヤヌス帝により、ローマ帝国の領土は最大となっていた。

ハドリアヌスの治世において特筆すべき事柄は

• 属州メソポタミアとアルメニアの放棄による東部国境の安定化ならびに防壁建造などの帝国周辺地域における防衛策の整備
• ローマ帝国全体の統合強化と平準化
• 2度にわたる長期の巡察旅行
• 官僚制度の確立と行政制度の整備
• 法制度における改革

である。

トラヤヌスは、すでにダキアを属州化していた。パルティア戦争開始後、メソポタミア、アッシリア、アルメニアを属州とし、治世末期にはローマ帝国史上最大の版図を実現していた。しかし、東方の隣国であるパルティアとの紛争を収束させていなかった。このような状況に鑑み、ハドリアヌスは外交政策を攻勢から守勢に転換し、ユーフラテス川以東のメソポタミア、アッシリア、アルメニアを放棄して、東方の国境の安定化を図った。

ハドリアヌスの長城

ハドリアヌスは帝国の統一のためには平和が欠かせないことを充分認識しており、帝国の東部以外でも帝国の防衛力を整備した。軍事的脅威を受けている地方では、防壁（リメス）の構築あるいは天然の要害によって帝国を防衛することにした。なかでも、カレドニア人との紛争が続いていたブリタンニア北部に「ハドリアヌスの長城」として知られる防壁を構築した。ゲルマン人との境界のライン川やドナウ川地域、そのほか、アフリカでも防壁が構築されている。そして、皇帝自ら軍紀の徹底を図り、巡察旅行中も現場で兵士の訓練を査察し、直接指示を出したりした。また、軍団に地元の兵士を採用することによって、軍団の徴募を安定化させ、経費の節約を図った。

パルティア問題を収拾させたあと、帝国内の諸問題に取り組む。まず属州に対する姿勢を変更した。属州の重要性を強調し、開発を推進すると同時にイタリアとの一体化に努力を傾注した。このため、ハドリアヌス自身、2度にわたって長期の巡察旅行に出かけた。この旅行の目的は、帝国防衛の再整備、帝国の行政の調整、統合の象徴としての皇帝の周知、帝国各地（とくにギリシア化していた地域）の巡察にあった。巡察旅行には建設関係者をも随伴していたといわれ、公共工事も行われた。

次に、ハドリアヌスは統治機構を整備した。彼の構築した官僚機構は以降の帝国の基礎となる。

ハドリアヌスは法制度の整備も推進する。サルウィウス・ユリアヌスに命じて、『永久告示録』と呼ばれる法典を編纂させた（完成は131年頃、6世紀まで使われた）。これは、法務官が出した従来の告示（属州総督や属州の審判人の法源）を集大成したものである。ユスティニアヌスの時代には、これらを基に『ユスティニアヌス法典』（別名『ローマ法大全』）が編纂された。

130年、エルサレム市をローマ風の都市に建設、自らの氏族名アエリウスにちなんで植民市「アエリア・カピトリーナ」と命名し、さらに132年には割礼を禁止した。そのため、ユダヤ人の大規模かつ組織的な反乱が発生した。バル・コクバの乱と呼ばれる。ハドリアヌスは他の属州からも軍団を動員し、135年にようやく反乱を鎮圧した。3年以上を要したことになる。この戦争の終結を機に、ユダヤ地方は「属州シリア・パレスティナ」と名称が変更され、この地からユダヤの名が消えた。ユダヤ人は離散（ディアスポラ）を余儀なくされ、以後、エルサレム市内への立ち入りも制限された。

皇帝と元老院との関係

ハドリアヌス統治下のローマ帝国

ハドリアヌスはその治世を通じ、国内外において目覚しい成果を挙げた。しかし、元老院にはハドリアヌスの政策をよしとしない者がいたことも事実である。

まず、治世当初の執政官経験者4名の殺害はこれを反映している。ハドリアヌスは、防衛に必要な兵力や維持費等の負担増に耐え切れないと判断して、メソポタミア、アッシリア、アルメニアから撤退するという現実路線に切り換えた。ところが、当時の元老院には実際に戦場へ赴いて領土拡大に貢献した者もおり、ハドリアヌスの対外政策には批判的な者がいた。元老院の一部には、激しく反発するものもいたのであろう。これに対してハドリアヌス擁護派は、反対派の大物4人を粛清するという強硬策に訴えた。

治世末期の後継者選びの際にも、意見の不一致から義兄弟ユリウス・ウルスス・セルウィアヌスとその孫ペダニウス・フスクスを自殺に追いこんだ。そのため治世末期、皇帝と元老院の関係は緊張していた。しかし、いくつかのグループとの関係が緊張していたにすぎないと見る向きもある。

皇帝逝去の後、元老院ではハドリアヌスを神格化し、国家神の列の加えることに反対する動きがあった。神格化されないと、ドミティアヌス帝のように記憶の抹殺が行われ、ハドリアヌスの統治に関する行為はすべて抹消されることになる。後継者のアントニヌス帝は涙を流しながら必死に元老院の説得に努め、ハドリアヌス神格化について元老院の同意を得ることができた。このため、アントニヌスはアントニヌス・ピウス（敬虔なアントニヌス）と呼ばれることになった。

ローマ皇帝の業績を称える碑が多いローマにおいて、五賢帝の一人とされるハドリアヌスの巡幸を称える碑は見つかっていない。

その他

文化面では118年、ローマ近郊のティヴォリに大規模な別荘ウィラ・ハドリアヌスの造営を開始し、同時に後世の新古典主義建築に大きな影響を与えた、ローマに今日まで残るパンテオン神殿の再建に着手した^[いつ?]。そのほか、ローマのウェヌスとローマ神殿など、ローマ、イタリア、属州各地においてきわめて多くの造営事業を行った。

私生活では、ビテュニアの美青年の愛人アンティノウス（アンティノオス）を寵愛し、属州アエギュプトゥス（エジプト）視察中にこの美青年がナイル川で事故死を遂げたあとは、彼を神格化して神殿を建設し、都市アンティノオポリスを創建したほか、帝国中にアンティノウス像を建てさせ、天空にアンティノウス座を作ったことが知られている。

もともと頑健であったが、晩年は体調不良に苦しみ、幾度か自殺を試みるも直前に家内奴隷に制止された。また、自分の後継者と決めていたルキウス・アエリウス・カエサルが138年1月に死去するという悲運もあったが、翌月にはアントニヌスを養子とし、自らの後継とした。138年7月、バイアエ(Baiae) の別荘において62歳で没した。

建築物

Giacobbe Giusti, ハドリアヌス

ハドリアヌスが自らの霊廟として建設を開始したサンタンジェロ城

ローマ市内

• トラヤヌスの記念柱
• ウェヌスとローマ神殿
• パンテオンの再建
• アグリッパ橋の再建（アエリウス橋と改名）

属州地

• ハドリアヌスの城壁（ブリタニア）
• ウィラ・ハドリアヌス (ティヴォリ)
• アテネの建築群^[1]
• レプティス・マグナの浴場^[2]

最期の詩

ハドリアヌスは死に際して、以下の詩を残したと伝えられる^{[注釈 1]}。

原文： Animula, vagula, blandula Hospes comesque corporis Quae nunc abibis in loca Pallidula, rigida, nudula, Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos…

日本語訳： さまよう、魅力的な、小さな魂 身体に宿った客よ仲間よ どこへ出発しようとしているのか 暗く、冷たく、むきだしで 冗談を言う力もないか……

家系図

マルキア

マルクス・トラヤヌス

ネルウァ

ウルピア

マルキアナ

トラヤヌス

ポンペイア

アエリウス・ハドリアヌス

大パウリナ

ルボ・ルピリウス・フルギ

マティディア

ウィビウス・サビニウス

ルピリア・アンニア

アンニウス・ウェルス

ルピリア・ファウスティナ

ウィビア・サビナ

ハドリアヌス

アンティノウス

小パウリナ

ドミティア・ルキッラ

マルクス・アンニウス・ウェルス

マルクス・アンニウス・リボ

大ファウスティナ

アントニヌス・ピウス

ルキウス・アエリウス

ユリア・パウリナ

コルニフィキア

マルクス・アウレリウス

小ファウスティナ

アウレリア・ファディラ

サリナトル

小コルニフィキア

ファディラ

コンモドゥス

ルキッラ

ルキウス・ウェルス

ケイオニア・プラウティア

クィントゥス・セルウィリウス・プデンス

アンニア・ファウスティナ

ユリア・マエサ

ユリア・ドムナ

セプティミウス・セウェルス

ユニウス・リキニウス・バルブス

セルウィリア・ケイオニア

ゴルディアヌス1世

ユリア・ソエミアス

ユリア・アウィタ

カラカラ

ゲタ

ユニウス・リキニウス・バルブス

アントニア・ゴルディアナ

ゴルディアヌス2世

アウレリア・ファウスティナ

ヘリオガバルス

アレクサンデル・セウェルス

ゴルディアヌス3世

逸話

この記事に雑多な内容を羅列した節があります。事項を箇条書きで列挙しただけの節は、本文として組み入れるか、または整理・除去する必要があります。（2016年5月）

• ハドリアヌスは、ローマ皇帝のなかで初めて髭を生やした皇帝である。
• 元首財務官時代、皇帝の演説を元老院で代読したとき、少しヒスパニア訛りがあったので揶揄されたといわれる。これはおそらく側近が地方出身者であったからであろう。そこで青年ハドリアヌスは練習を重ね、矯正したという。
• 大浴場を訪れた際、老人が石鹸のついた背中を壁面で擦り落としているのを見たハドリアヌスは、老人が自分の指揮下にいた元百人隊長であることをすぐに思い出し、体を清める専門の奴隷すら雇えない経済状況に同情してその老人に料金の負担を申し出た。後日、この噂を聞きつけたローマ中の老人がこぞって浴場の壁面に背中をこすり付けたという。
• ハドリアヌスは詩に深い造詣があった。詩人フロルスがいつも地方巡察をしているハドリアヌスに対して皮肉を込めて詩を送ると、ハドリアヌスもパロディ風に同じ統辞構造を使った詩で返答した^{[注釈 2]}。この応答に彼の詩才の一端を垣間見ることができる。
• 18世紀の歴史家エドワード・ギボンはハドリアヌスについて、「ハドリアヌスの情熱の元は『好奇心』と『虚栄心』から構成されており、対象によってハドリアヌスは優れた君主にも、滑稽なソフィストにも、また嫉妬深い暴君ともなった」と評している。
• ネロと同じく非常にギリシャへの傾倒が強く、その影響か男色家だった。当時のローマでは男色は嫌悪されることではなかったが、大っぴらにするようなものでもなかったため、公にされることはほとんどなかった。

伝記

• ステュワート・ペローン 『ローマ皇帝ハドリアヌス』 （暮田愛訳、前田耕作監修・解説、河出書房新社、2001年）
• マルグリット・ユルスナール 『ハドリアヌス帝の回想』 （多田智満子訳、白水社、新装版2008年） – 歴史小説
• レモン・シュヴァリエ（フランス語版）、レミ・ポワニョ 『ハドリアヌス帝 – 文人皇帝の生涯とその時代』 （北野徹訳、白水社〈文庫クセジュ〉、2010年）
• アントニー・エヴァリット 『ハドリアヌス – ローマの栄光と衰退』 （草皆伸子訳、白水社、2011年）

ハドリアヌスが登場する作品

• 漫画 『テルマエ・ロマエ』
  • 上記を映画化した『テルマエ・ロマエ』（2012年）、『テルマエ・ロマエⅡ』（2014年）では、市村正親がハドリアヌスを演じた。

脚注

[ヘルプ]

注釈

1. ^ 日本語訳は藤原道郎 『物語イタリアの歴史 II 皇帝ハドリアヌスから画家カラヴァッジョまで』（中央公論新社〈中公新書 1771〉、2004年11月。ISBN 978-4-12-101771-0） ^{[要ページ番号]}をもとに仮訳。
2. ^ フロルス「皇帝なんぞにはなりたくない。ブリトン人の間をうろついて、……の間に潜んで、スキュティア人の地の冬を、辛抱しなければならぬから」 ハドリアヌスの返答「フロルスなんぞにはなりたくない。安料理屋の間をうろついて、居酒屋に潜んで、丸々と太った蚊の餌食になるのを、辛抱しなければならぬから」^[3]

出典

1. ^ http://www.livius.org/ha-hd/hadrian/hadrian.html
2. ^ http://www.livius.org/ha-hd/hadrian/hadrian.html
3. ^ スパルティアヌス, pp. 51–52, ハドリアヌスの生涯16節.

参考文献

出典は列挙するだけでなく、脚注などを用いてどの記述の情報源であるかを明記してください。記事の信頼性向上にご協力をお願いいたします。（2016年5月）

• 桜井万里子、本村凌二 『世界の歴史 5 ギリシアとローマ』 中央公論社、1997年10月。ISBN 978-4-12-403405-9。
  • のち文庫化。桜井万里子、本村凌二 『世界の歴史 5 ギリシアとローマ』 中央公論新社〈中公文庫 S22-5〉、2010年5月。ISBN 978-4-12-205312-0。
• アエリウス・スパルティアヌス 『ローマ皇帝群像１』 南川高志訳、京都大学学術出版会、2004年1月。ISBN 4-87698-146-9。

関連書籍

ウィキメディア・コモンズには、ハドリアヌスに関連するカテゴリがあります。

• クリス・スカー（英語版） 『ローマ皇帝歴代誌』（創元社、1998年）
• フランソワ・トレモリエール 『図説 ラルース世界史人物百科』（樺山紘一監修、原書房、2004年）

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadrian

http://www.giacobbegiusti.com