Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutationfor the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war « as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations » towards a cosmopolitan empire.[163] In 136, he dedicated a new Temple of Venus and Roma on the former site of Nero’s Golden House. The temple was the largest in Rome, and was built in an Hellenising style, more Greek than Roman. The temple’s dedication and statuary associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus, divine ancestress and protector of the Roman people, with the worship of the goddess Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshiped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature of the empire.[164]
The Empress Sabina died probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife’s « ill-temper and irritability » would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.[165] That gave credence, after Sabina’s death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.[166] As befitted Hadrian’s dynastic legitimacy, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128[167] – was deified not long after her death.[168]
Arranging the succession
Hadrian’s marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who as an emperor-in waiting took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the « four consulars » executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health, apparently with a reputation more « of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader ».[169] Various modern attempts have been made to explain Hadrian’s choice: Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian’s natural son.[170] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian’s belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian’s succession.[78] Aelius’ father-in-law Avidius Nigrinus had been Hadrian’s chief rival for the throne; a senator of highest rank, breeding, and connections; according to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent, before deciding to get rid of him.[171] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior;[172] he held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.[173]
Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian’s close friend; Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar’s daughter Ceionia Fabia;[174][175] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus’s uncle – who supported Annius Verus’ advancement; the latter’s divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus’ daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative.[174]
Hadrian’s last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian’s brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus’s grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian’s reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.[176] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would « long for death but be unable to die ».[177] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.[178]
Death
Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian
Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris
Hadrian died in the year 138 on the 10th of July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. The cause of death is believed to have been heart failure. Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Augustus, Hadrian’s successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius.
He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138. After threatening the Senate – which toyed with refusing Hadrian’s divine honours – by refusing to assume power himself,[179] Antoninus eventually succeeded in having his predecessor deified[180] in 139 and given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.[181] The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of « Pius », in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father.[179] At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate’s ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecrationwas kept to a minimum.[182]
Military
Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian
Bust of Emperor Hadrian. Roman 117–138 CE. Probably from Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection. Now housed in the British Museum, London
Most of Hadrian’s military activities were consistent with his ideology of Empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He focussed on protection from external and internal threats; on « raising up » existing provinces, rather than the aggressive acquisition of wealth and territory through subjugation of « foreign » peoples that had characterised the early Empire.[183] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities.
Hadrian sought to surround the empire with stable, sustainable borders, and employed a variety of means to deal with potential and actual threats to the Empire’s integrity. The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor charged him with jealous belittlement of Trajan’s achievements (Traiani gloriae invidens), abandoning the latter’s conquests in Mesopotamia.[184] More likely, an expansionist policy was no longer realistic; the Empire had lost two legions, the Legio XXII Deiotariana and the « lost legion » IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[185] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamian indefensible, and abandoned them shortly before his death.[186]. Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians; their king Rasparaganus received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy.[187] Hadrian’s presence on the Dacian front at this time is mere conjecture; but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces.[188] A controlled, partial withdrawal from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman several cavalry units and a supporting network of fortifications.[189]
Hadrian retained control over Osroene through the client king Parthamaspates, who had once served as Trajan’s client king of Parthia;[190] and around 121, Hadrian negotiated a peace treaty with the now-independent Parthia. Late in his reign (135), the Alani attacked Roman Cappadocia with the covert support of Pharasmanes, king of Caucasian Iberia. The attack was repulsed by Hadrian’s governor, the historian Arrian,[191] who subsequently installed a Roman « adviser » in Iberia.[192] Arrian kept Hadrian well-informed On all questions related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132 he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea, intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman intervention was needed.[193]
Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire’s borders (limites, sl.limes) to support his policy of stability, peace and preparedness. This helped keep the military usefully occupied in times of peace; his Wall across Britania was built by ordinary troops. A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian’s policy was peace through strength, even threat,[194] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian’s emphasis on « spit and polish » as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign.[195] Fronto expressed other opinions on the subject. In his view, Hadrian preferred war games to actual war, and enjoyed « giving eloquent speeches to the armies » – like the inscribed series of addresses he made while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis[196]
Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less costly numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers – in low-intensity, mobile defensive tasks such as dealing with border infiltrators and skirmishers.[197][198] Hadrian is also credited with introducing units of heavy cavalry (cataphracts) into the Roman army.[199] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman army of his own time.[200]
Legal and social
Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetorsbecame fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.[201][202] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian made the Emperor’s legal advisory board, the consilia principis (« council of the princeps« ) into a permanent body, staffed by salaried legal aides.[203] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household.[204][205] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.[206] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies; objectively it did not detract from the Senate’s position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the « Crown », not of the Emperor as an individual.[204] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor.[207]
Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low ranking persons – alii (« the others »), including low-ranking citizens – were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores; the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.[208]
A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores; so did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned; by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humliores. Like most Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded « the best men » with wealth, power and respect. When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person.[209]However, he limited the punishments that slaves could suffer; they could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but they could not be lawfully killed unless guilty of a capital offence.[210] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified punishment.[211] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses.[212][213] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men had sometimes been illegally detained.[214]
Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freeman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.[215] Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis, castration was place on a par with conspiracy to murder, and punished accordingly.[216] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theaters and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the afternoon, « except for medical reasons ».[217]
Religious
Imperial cult
One of Hadrian’s immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the apotheosis of his predecessor, Trajan, and any members of Trajan’s family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. During his return from Brittania, Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus, to oversee the completion of foundation of a basilicadedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian’s request.[218] Shortly before her death, Hadrian had granted Plotina’s wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be granted to a non-Roman candidate.[219] Matidia Augusta, Hadrian’s mother-in-law, had died earlier, in December 119, and had also been deified.[220]
As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome’s pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official imperial cult, from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues still identified him with the traditional genius populi Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome’s imperial protection of Greek civilisation.[221] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire’s leading Imperial cult centre and in 131–2 AD he sponsored the exclusively Greek Panhellenion, which extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture.[222]
Antinous
Hadrian was criticized for the intensity of his grief at Antinous’s death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of his own sister Paulina after her death.[223] But his attempt at turning the deceased youth into a cult-figure found little opposition.[224]The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world, and also found support in the West. In Hadrian’s villa, statues of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, linked the imperial favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love[225] Antinous was also compared to the Celtic sun-god Belenos.[226]
Medals were struck with Antinous’s effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[227] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. Antinous was not part of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, but provided a common focus for the emperor and his subjects, emphasizing their sense of community.[228] As an « international » cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian’s reign.[229] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla’s reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.[230]
Christians[edit]
Hadrian continued Trajan’s policy on Christians; they should not be sought out, and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear oaths.[231]In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia Minutius Fundanus and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[232] or be punished for calumnia (defamation).[233]
Personal and cultural interests
Giacobbe Giusti, Hadrian
Hadrian liked to demonstrate his knowledge of all intellectual and artistic fields. Above all, he patronized the arts: Hadrian’s Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) was the greatest Roman example of an Alexandrian garden, recreating a sacred landscape.[234]) In Rome, the Pantheon, originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was completed under Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. It was highly influential to many of the great architects of the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods.
From well before his reign, Hadrian displayed a keen interest in architecture and public works, but it seems that his eagerness was not always well received. For example, Apollodorus of Damascus, famed architect of the Forum of Trajan, dismissed his designs. When Hadrian’s predecessor, Trajan, consulted Apollodorus about an architectural problem, Hadrian interrupted to give advice, to which Apollodorus replied, « Go away and draw your pumpkins. You know nothing about these problems. » « Pumpkins » refers to Hadrian’s drawings of domes like the Serapeum in his villa. The historian Cassius Dio wrote that, once Hadrian succeeded Trajan and became emperor, he had Apollodorus exiled and later put to death. The story is problematic; brickstamps with consular dates show that the Pantheon’s dome was late in Trajan’s reign (115), probably under Apollodorus’s supervision.[235]
Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[236][237] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian’s freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian’s most controversial actions.[238] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[239]
According to one source, Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.[240] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[241] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.[241] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[241]
Hadrian’s philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity; Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.[242]. Hadrian’s beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.[243] Most emperors before him had been clean-shaven; most who came after him were bearded, at least until Constantine the Great.[citation needed]
Hadrian was familiar with the Stoic philosophers Epictetus, and Favorinus, and with their works. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.[244]
During Hadrian’s time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[245] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.[246]
Poem by Hadrian
According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:[247]
- Animula, vagula, blandula
- Hospes comesque corporis
- Quae nunc abibis in loca
- Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
- Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos…
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- P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.
- Roving amiable little soul,
- Body’s companion and guest,
- Now descending for parts
- Colourless, unbending, and bare
- Your usual distractions no more shall be there…
The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[248][249] but uneven critical acclaim.[250] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian’s biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian « wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one ».[251]T. S. Eliot‘s poem « Animula » may have been inspired by Hadrian’s, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[252]
Appraisals
Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors.[253]Schiller called Hadrian « the Empire’s first servant ». Edward Gibbon admired his « vast and active genius » and his « equity and moderation ». In 1776, he stated that Hadrian’s era was part of the « happiest era of human history ». In his Meditations, written during his reign as emperor, Marcus Aurelius lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude; Hadrian is conspicuously absent.[254] Hadrian’s tense, authoritarian relationship with his senate was acknowledged a generation after his death by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that « I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too […] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him. »[255] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian’s reign, « under the risk of my life » (cum periculo capitis).[256] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly « bad » emperors, because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash.[257]
The Senate’s political role was effaced behind Hadrian’s personal rule (in Ronald Syme’s view. Hadrian « was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo« ).[258] The fact that Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel undoubtedly helped the management of this strained relationship.[259] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate’s approval.[260] According to Syme, Tacitus‘ description of the rise and accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian’s authoritarian Principate.[261] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus’ Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written « during Hadrian’s reign and hating it ».[262]
Sources and historiography
In Hadrian’s time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves.[263][264] Political histories of Hadrian’s reign come mostly from later sources, some of them written centuries after the reign itself. Book 69 of the early 3rd-century Roman History by Cassius Dio gives a general account of Hadrian’s reign, but the original is lost; what survives is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th-century monk Xiphilinius, focussed on Hadrian’s religious interests and the Bar Kokhba war, and little else. Hadrian’s is the first in the series of probably late 4th-century imperial biographies known as Historia Augusta. The collection as a whole is notorious for its unreliability (« a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi« ),[265]but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources.[266] Its principal source is generally assumed, on the basis of indirect evidence, to be one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, covering the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus.[267] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias, who wrote shortly after Hadrian’s reign, confined their scope to the general historical framework that shaped Hadrian’s decisions, especially those relating to Greece. Fronto left Latin correspondence and works attesting to Hadrian’s character and his reign’s internal politics.[268]
In modern scholarship, these accounts are supplemented by epigraphical, numismatic, archaeological, and other non-literary sources, without which no detailed, chronological account would be possible; the first modern historian to attempt such an account was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.[269][270]
German historian Wilhelm Weber produced a 1907 biography of Hadrian.[269] Weber was an extreme German nationalist and later a Nazi Party supporter. In keeping with his general view on Roman history, his views on Hadrian, and especially the Bar Kokhba war, are ideologically loaded.[271][272] The 1923 Hadrian English biography by B.W. Henderson is more readable in the way of a summing-up and interpretation of the written sources, but Henderson’s anti-German bias made him completely ignore Weber’s study of the non-literary sources.[269]
Only after the development of epigraphical studies in the post-war period could an alternate historiography of Hadrian develop, that leaned less on the ancient literary tradition. The ancient tradition had as its leitmotif a comparison between Hadrian and Trajan- mostly to the former’s disadvantage. On the other hand, modern historiography on Hadrian sought to explore the meaning (as in the title of a recent summing-up work by the German historian Susanne Mortensen)[273] attached by Hadrian to his policies on various fields, as well as the particular aspects of these policies. According to historians such as the Italian M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian’s policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an « enlightened » autocracy, as well as his overall defensive grand strategy. According to Levi, that would be enough to allow us to consider Hadrian as a grand Roman political reformer, the creator of an absolute monarchy in the place of a senatorial republic – even a sham one.[274] British historian Robin Lane Fox, in his book about the Classical World, credits Hadrian with the creation of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, but at the same time he considers Hadrian to be the end of this same tradition, as Hadrian’s « restoration » of the Classical Age into the framework of an undemocratic Empire simply emptied it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox’s words, « kill[ed] it with kindness ».[275] The latest (1997) English biography by Anthony Birley sums up and reflect these developments in Hadrian historiography.
Nerva–Antonine family tree
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Nerva–Antonine family tree
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- (1) = 1st spouse
- (2) = 2nd spouse
- (3) = 3rd spouse
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Reddish purple indicates emperor of the Nerva-Antonine dynasty
lighter purple indicates designated imperial heir of said dynasty who never reigned
grey indicates unsuccessful imperial aspirants
bluish purple indicates emperors of other dynasties
- dashed lines indicate adoption; dotted lines indicate love affairs/unmarried relationships
- small caps = posthumously deified (Augusti, Augustae, or other)
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Notes:Except where otherwise noted, the notes below indicate that an individual’s parentage is as shown in the above family tree.
- Jump up^ Sister of Trajan’s father: Giacosa (1977), p. 7.
- Jump up^ Giacosa (1977), p. 8.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Levick (2014), p. 161.
- Jump up^ Husband of Ulpia Marciana: Levick (2014), p. 161.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Giacosa (1977), p. 7.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c DIR contributor (Herbert W. Benario, 2000), « Hadrian ».
- ^ Jump up to:a b Giacosa (1977), p. 9.
- Jump up^ Husband of Salonia Matidia: Levick (2014), p. 161.
- Jump up^ Smith (1870), « Julius Servianus ».[dead link]
- Jump up^ Suetonius a possible lover of Sabina: One interpretation of HAHadrianus 11:3
- Jump up^ Smith (1870), « Hadrian », pp. 319–322.[dead link]
- Jump up^ Lover of Hadrian: Lambert (1984), p. 99 and passim; deification: Lamber (1984), pp. 2-5, etc.
- Jump up^ Julia Balbilla a possible lover of Sabina: A. R. Birley (1997), Hadrian, the Restless Emperor, p. 251, cited in Levick (2014), p. 30, who is sceptical of this suggestion.
- Jump up^ Husband of Rupilia Faustina: Levick (2014), p. 163.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d Levick (2014), p. 163.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d Levick (2014), p. 162.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Levick (2014), p. 164.
- Jump up^ Wife of M. Annius Verus: Giacosa (1977), p. 10.
- Jump up^ Wife of M. Annius Libo: Levick (2014), p. 163.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Giacosa (1977), p. 10.
- Jump up^ The epitomator of Cassius Dio (72.22) gives the story that Faustina the Elder promised to marry Avidius Cassius. This is also echoed in HA « Marcus Aurelius » 24.
- Jump up^ Husband of Ceionia Fabia: Levick (2014), p. 164.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Levick (2014), p. 117.
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Notes
- Jump up^ In Classical Latin, Hadrian’s name would be inscribed as PVBLIVS AELIVS HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
- Jump up^ As emperor his name was Imperator Caesar Divi Traiani filius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus.
Citations[edit]
- Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos y argumentos para una secular polémica, Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367-408.
- Jump up^ Mary T. Boatwright (2008). « From Domitian to Hadrian ». In Barrett, Anthony. Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4.
- Jump up^ Eutr. VIII. 6: « … nam eum (Hadrianum) Traianus, quamquam consobrinae suae filium … » and SHA, Vita Hadr. I, 2: …pater Aelius Hadrianus cognomento Afer fuit, consobrinus Traiani imperatoris.
- Jump up^ After A. M. Canto, in La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (98-192 dC): Ni tan «Buenos», ni tan «Adoptivos», ni tan «Antoninos», Gerión 21/1, 2003, 305-347, specifically pp. 322, 328, 341 and footnote 124, where she stands out SHA, Vita Hadr. 1.2: pro filio habitus(years 93); 3.2: ad bellum Dacicum Traianum familiarius prosecutus est (year 101) or, principally, 3.7: quare adamante gemma quam Traianus a Nerva acceperat donatus ad spem successionis erectus est (year 107).
- Jump up^ Royston Lambert, 1984, p. 175
- Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, « Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr). His father died in AD 86 when Hadrian was at the age of 10. 1, 3″, Athenaeum vol. 92.2, 2004, pp. 367–408 UNIPV.it Archived 15 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
- Jump up^ Ronald Syme, in his paper « Hadrian and Italica » (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 1964; pp. 142–149) supported the position that Rome was Hadrian’s birthplace. Canto, however, argues that only one extant ancient source gives Hadrian’s birthplace as Rome (SHA, Vita Hadr 2,4, probably interpolated), as opposed to 25 other sources affirming that he was born in Italica. Among these alternative sources is Hadrian’s own imperial horoscope, included in the surviving fragments of an astrological compendium attributed to Antigonus of Nicaea, written during the late 2nd century:cf. Stephan Heiler, « The Emperor Hadrian in the Horoscopes of Antigonus of Nicaea », in Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin, Kocku von Stuckrad, eds.,Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the History of Astrology. Berlim: Walter de Gruyter, 2005, ISBN 978-3-11-018545-4, page 49. This horoscope was well studied by prominent authors such as F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 37, Philadelphia, 1954 (repr. 1996), see for Hadrian pp. 162–178, fn. 121b and 122, etc.: « … Hadrian – whose horoscope is absolutely certain – surely was born in southern Spain … (in) SHA, Hadrian, 2, 4, the birth was erroneously assigned to Rome instead of Italica, the actual birthplace of Hadrian… », or O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen in their magisterial compilation Greek Horoscopes, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 48, Philadelphia, 1959, nr. L76, see now here, ed. 1987 pp. 80, 90–1, and his footnote 19. They came also to the conclusion that the astronomic parallel of the Hadrian’s birth is situated in the Baetica, today Andalusia: « …L40 agrees exactly with the geographical latitude of southern Spain, the place of origin of Hadrian and his family…« .. « since Hadrian was born in Italica (southern Spain, near Seville, latitude about 37° 30)… ».
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, ‘Hadrian’, I-II, here explicitly citing the autobiography. This is one of the passages in the Historia Augusta where there is no reason to suspect invention. But see now the Canto’s 31 contrary arguments in the op.cit. supra; among them, in the same Historia Augusta and, from the same author, Aelius Spartianus, Vita Sev. 21: Falsus est etiam ipse Traianus in suo municipe ac nepote diligendo, see also es:Adriano#cite note-nacimiento-0, and, characterizing him as a man of provinces (Canto, ibid.): Vita Hadr. 1,3: Quaesturam gessit Traiano quater et Articuleio consulibus, in qua cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pronuntians risus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis operam dedit
- Jump up^ Alicia M. Canto, « La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos ». Gerión (21.1): 263–305. 2003
- Jump up^ On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian’s birth see R. Syme, ‘Spaniards at Tivoli’, in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Tivoli (Tibur) was of course the site of Hadrian’s own imperial villa.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
- Jump up^ Aulus Gellius, Noct.Att. XVI, 13, 4, and some inscriptions in the city with C(olonia) A(elia) A(ugusta) I(talica)
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
- Jump up^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3, p. 109
- Jump up^ Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p. – 39
- Jump up^ Jörg Fündling, Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie 3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-7749-3390-1, p. 351.
- Jump up^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis, p. 109; Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History – XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2, p. 133.
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 54
- Jump up^ Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158
- Jump up^ The text of Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani, 3.8) is garbled, stating that Hadrian’s election to the praetorship was contemporary « to the second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus » – two characters that had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian’s election could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted
- ^ Jump up to:a b Bowman, p. 133
- Jump up^ Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: « holding back the Sarmatians » may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
- Jump up^ The inscription in footnote 1
- Jump up^ The Athenian inscription confirms and expands the one in Historia Augusta; see John Bodel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6, p. 89
- Jump up^ His career in office up to 112/113 is attested by the Athens inscription, 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau 308 = IDRE 2, 365: decemvir stlitibus iudicandis/ sevir turmae equitum Romanorum/ praefectus Urbi feriarum Latinarum/ tribunus militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in Germania Superior)/ quaestor (101)/ ab actis senatus/ tribunus plebis (105)/ praetor (106)/ legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in Germania Inferior)/ legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae Inferioris (107)/ consul suffectus (108)/ septemvir epulonum (before 112)/ sodalis Augustalis (before 112)/ archon Athenis (112/13). He also held office as legatus Syriae (117): see H. W. Benario in Roman-emperors.org
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
- Jump up^ Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
- Jump up^ François Chausson, « Variétés Généalogiques IV:Cohésion, Collusions, Collisions: Une Autre Dynastie Antonine », in Giorgio Bonamente, Hartwin Brandt, eds., Historiae Augustae Colloquium Bambergense. Bari: Edipuglia, 2007, ISBN 978-88-7228-492-6, p.143
- Jump up^ Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: « Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial ». Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available at [1]. Retrieved January 11, 2017
- Jump up^ Marasco, p. 375
- Jump up^ Tracy Jennings, « A Man Among Gods: Evaluating the Signficance of Hadrian’s Acts of Deification. » Journal of Undergraduate Research: 54. Available at [2] Archived16 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine.. Accessed April 15, 2017
- Jump up^ This made Hadrian the first senator in history to have an Augusta as his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to notice: see Christer Brun, « Matidia die Jüngere », IN Anne Kolb, ed., Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, p. 230
- Jump up^ Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia, Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1, p. 120
- Jump up^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2008, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 556
- Jump up^ Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p.170
- Jump up^ David L. Balch, Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X, p. 301
- Jump up^ Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
- Jump up^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
- Jump up^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. Cambridge U. Press: 2007, ISBN 0-521-80918-5, p. 229
- Jump up^ Fündling, 335
- Jump up^ Gabriele Marasco, ed., Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8, p. 375
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
- Jump up^ In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World of Roman Costume. University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p. 78
- Jump up^ Fündling, 351
- Jump up^ Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
- Jump up^ John Richardson, « The Roman Mind and the power of fiction » IN Lewis Ayres, Ian Gray Kidd, eds. The Passionate Intellect: Essays on the Transformation of Classical Traditions : Presented to Professor I.G. Kidd. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56000-210-7, p. 128
- Jump up^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 80
- Jump up^ Stephan Brassloff, « Die Rechtsfrage bei der Adoption Hadrians ». Hermes 49. Bd., H. 4 (Sep., 1914), pp. 590–601
- Jump up^ The coin legend runs HADRIANO TRAIANO CAESARI; see Roman, Yves, Rémy, Bernard & Riccardi, Laurent: » Les intrigues de Plotine et la succession de Trajan. À propos d’un aureus au nom d’Hadrien César ». Révue des études anciennes, T. 111, 2009, no. 2, pp. 508-517
- Jump up^ Kennedy, Maev (2008-06-09). « How Victorian restorers faked the clothes that seemed to show Hadrian’s softer side ». Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2008-06-09.
- Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
- Jump up^ John Antony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge University Press: 1955, pp. 54f
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 6.2
- Jump up^ Egyptian papyri tell of one such ceremony between 117 and 118; see Michael Peppard, The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in Its Social and Political Context. Oxford U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-975370-3, pp. 72f
- Jump up^ Royston Lambert, p. 34
- Jump up^ Cizek, Eugen. L’éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le » complot » des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé, no. 3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Retrieved June 10, 2015. Available at [3]
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Elizabeth Speller.
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 88
- Jump up^ Marasco, p. 377
- Jump up^ M. Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1, p. 158
- Jump up^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d’Auguste à Constantin. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pp. 46f
- Jump up^ Andrew Crawford Wilson, « Image and ideology : Roman imperialism and frontier policy in the second century A.D. ». Australian National University, M.A. Thesis, 1992, available at [4]. Retrieved May 23, 2015
- Jump up^ Carcopino Jérôme. « L’hérédité dynastique chez les Antonins ». Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 51, 1949, no.3–4. pp. 262–321.
- Jump up^ Nigrinus’ ambiguous relationship with Hadrian would have consequences late in Hadrian’s reign, when he had to plan his own succession; see Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
- Jump up^ It is probable that Attianus was executed (or was already dead) by the end of Hadrian’s reign; see Françoise Des Boscs-Plateaux, Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d’Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2005, ISBN 84-95555-80-8, p. 611
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 91
- Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 158
- Jump up^ Richard P. Saller, Personal Patronage Under the Early Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2002, ISBN 0-521-23300-3, p. 140
- Jump up^ Richard A. Bauman, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-203-42858-7, p. 83
- Jump up^ Digest, 49 2, I,2, quoted by P.E. Corbett, « The Legislation of Hadrian ». University of Pennsylvania Law Review and American Law Register, Vol. 74, No. 8 (Jun., 1926), pp. 753–766
- Jump up^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 153
- Jump up^ Rose Mary Sheldon, Intelligence Activities in Ancient Rome: Trust in the Gods But Verify. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-7146-5480-9, p. 253
- Jump up^ Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le Cirque, Paris: Seuil, 1976, ISBN 2-02-004507-9, p. 655
- Jump up^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, Routledge, 2014 Hadrian
- Jump up^ Paul Veyne, » Humanitas: Romans and non-Romans ». In Andrea Giardina, ed., The Romans, University of Chicago Press: 1993, ISBN 0-226-29049-2, p. 364
- ^ Jump up to:a b Christol & Nony, p. 159
- Jump up^ Simon Goldhill, Being Greek Under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 12 ISBN 0-521-66317-2
- Jump up^ Larry Joseph Kreitzer, Striking New Images: Roman Imperial Coinage and the New Testament World. Sheffield: A & C Black, 1996, ISBN 1-85075-623-6, pp. 194ff
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 123
- Jump up^ Opper, p. 79
- Jump up^ Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, xi, 2
- Jump up^ Patrick le Roux, Le haut-Empire romain en Occident d’Auguste aux Sévères. Paris: Seuil, 1998, ISBN 2-02-025932-X, p. 396
- Jump up^ Breeze, David J., and Brian Dobson, « Hadrian’s Wall: Some Problems », Britannia, Vol. 3, (1972), pp. 182–208
- Jump up^ « Britannia on British Coins ». Chard. Retrieved 2006-06-25.
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
- Jump up^ Potter, David S. (2014). The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 9781134694778.
- Jump up^ Jason König, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, Greg Woolf, eds. Ancient Libraries. Cambridge U. Press: 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01256-1, page 251
- Jump up^ Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome.
- Jump up^ William E. Mierse, Temples and Towns in Roman Iberia: The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009, ISBN 0-520-20377-1, page 141
- Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 41–2
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 151–2
- Jump up^ The rebuilding continued until late in Hadrian’s reign; in 138 a statue of Zeus was erected there, dedicated to Hadrian as Cyrene’s « saviour and founder ». See E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian : a Study in Political Relations. Leiden, Brill, 2001, 0-391-04155-X, p. 410
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 153–5
- ^ Jump up to:a b Anthony Birley, pp. 157–8
- Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 60–1
- Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 171
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 164–7
- Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 136
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 175–7
- Jump up^ Kaja Harter-Uibopuu, « Hadrian and the Athenian Oil Law », in O.M. Van Nijf – R. Alston (ed.), Feeding the Ancient Greek city. Groningen- Royal Holloway Studies on the Greek City after the Classical Age, vol. 1, Louvain 2008, pp. 127–141
- Jump up^ Brenda Longfellow, Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form, Meaning and Ideology in Monumental Fountain Complexes. Cambridge U. Press: 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-19493-8, p. 120
- Jump up^ Verhoogen Violette. Review of Graindor (Paul). Athènes sous Hadrien, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 1935, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 926–931. Available at [5]. Retrieved June 20, 2015
- Jump up^ Mark Golden, Greek Sport and Social Status, University of Texas Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-292-71869-2, p. 88
- Jump up^ Cynthia Kosso, Anne Scott, eds., The Nature and Function of Water, Baths, Bathing, and Hygiene from Antiquity Through the Renaissance. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17357-6, pp. 216f
- Jump up^ Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios. OUP : 2010, ISBN 978-0-19-956190-2, p. 171
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 177–80
- Jump up^ David S. Potter,The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-84054-5, p. 44
- Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 134
- Jump up^ K. W. Arafat, Pausanias’ Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers. Cambridge U. Press, 2004, ISBN 0-521-55340-7, p. 162
- Jump up^ K. W. Arafat, p. 185
- Jump up^ Birley, « Hadrian and Greek Senators », Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik116 (1997), pp. 209–245. Retrieved July 23, 2015
- Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 203
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 182–4
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 191–200
- Jump up^ J. Declareuil, Rome the Law-Giver, London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-15613-0, p. 72
- Jump up^ Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0-520-22067-6
- Jump up^ Royston Lambert, pp. 71–2
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 213–4
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 215–20
- Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 81
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 235
- Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 142
- Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 173
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta (c. 395) Hadr. 14.5–7
- Jump up^ Cassius Dio, LIX.11; Historia Augusta, Hadrian
- Jump up^ Tim Cornell, Dr Kathryn Lomas, eds., Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy. London: Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0-415-14689-5, p. 97
- Jump up^ Carl F. Petry, ed. The Cambridge History of Egypt, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-47137-4, p. 15
- Jump up^ Boatwright, p. 150
- Jump up^ Anthony Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical TraditionCambridge U. Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-87688-9, p. 38
- Jump up^ Fernando A. Marín Valdés, Plutarco y el arte de la Atenas hegemónica. Universidad de Oviedo: 2008, ISBN 978-84-8317-659-7, p. 76
- Jump up^ A. J. S. Spawforth, Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution. Cambridge University Press: 2011, ISBN 978-1-107-01211-0, p. 262
- Jump up^ Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World. Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9, p. 176
- Jump up^ Georg Simmel, Sociology: Inquiries into the Construction of Social Forms. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17321-7, p. 288
- Jump up^ Marcel Le Glay. « Hadrien et l’Asklépieion de Pergame ». In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Volume 100, livraison 1, 1976. pp. 347–372. Available at [6]. Retrieved July 24, 2015.
- Jump up^ Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9, page 177
- Jump up^ Andrew M. Smith II, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-986110-1, page 25; Robert K. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge University Press:1988, ISBN 0-521-33887-5, page 190
- Jump up^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d’Auguste à Constantin (31 av. J.-C.-337 ap. J.-C.). Leiden: Brill,2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pages 104/105
- Jump up^ Laura Salah Nasrallah, Christian Responses to Roman Art and Architecture: The Second-Century Church Amid the Spaces of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2010 ISBN 978-0-521-76652-4, page 96
- Jump up^ Giovanni Battista Bazzana, « The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Hadrian’s religious policy », IN Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pages 89/91
- Jump up^ Bazzana, 98
- Jump up^ Cf a project devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo: see Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians, 4
- Jump up^ Emmanuel Friedheim, « Some notes about the Samaritans and the Rabbinic Class at Crossroads » IN Menachem Mor, Friedrich V. Reiterer, eds., Samaritans – Past and Present: Current Studies. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5, page 197
- Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Tübingen 1981, pages 29–50.
- Jump up^ Chronicle of Jerome, s.v. Hadrian. See: [7] See also Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba, Random House New York 1971, pp. 22, 258
- Jump up^ Alexander Zephyr, Rabbi Akiva, Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Ten Tribes of Israel. Bloomington: iUniverse, 2013, ISBN 978-1-4917-1256-6
- Jump up^ Schäfer, Peter (1998). Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World. Harvard University Press. pp. 103–105. ISBN 978-0-674-04321-3. Retrieved 2014-02-01.
[…] Hadrian’s ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE […]. The only proof for Hadrian’s ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: ‘At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). […] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial […] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian’s successor […] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian […] indeed considered circumcision as a ‘barbarous mutilation’ and tried to prohihit it. […] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples.
- Jump up^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
- Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Mohr Siebeck, 2003 p. 68
- Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge:2003, p. 146
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian14.2
- Jump up^ Shaye Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Third Edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,2014, ISBN 978-0-664-23904-6, pp. 25–26
- Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, Tübingen 1981, pp. 29–50
- Jump up^ Possibly the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian’s reign; see [http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xxii_deiotariana.html livius.org account; however, Peter Schäfer, following Bowersock, finds no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII. A loss of such magnitude would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
- Jump up^ Cassius Dio 69, 14.3Roman History.
Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[…]
- Jump up^ Daniel R. Schwartz, Zeev Weiss, eds., Was 70 CE a Watershed in Jewish History?: On Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-21534-4, page 529, footnote 42
- Jump up^ Epiphanius, Treatise on Weights and Measures – Syriac Version (ed. James Elmer Dean), University of Chicago Press, c1935, p. 30
- Jump up^ Ken Dowden, Zeus. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-30502-0, page 58.
- Jump up^ Anna Collar, Religious Networks in the Roman Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2, pp. 248-249
- Jump up^ Geza Vermes, Who’s Who in the Age of Jesus, Penguin: 2006, no ISBN given, entry « Hadrian »
- Jump up^ Ronald Syme, « Journeys of Hadrian » (1988), pp. 164–9
- Jump up^ Ronald Syme, « Journeys Of Hadrian ». Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 73 (1988) 159–170. Available at [8]. Retrieved January 20, 2017.
- Jump up^ Mellor, R., « The Goddess Roma » in Haase, W., Temporini, H., (eds), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, de Gruyter, 1991, ISBN 3-11-010389-3, pp. 960-964
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 10.3
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 23.9
- Jump up^ Anne Kolb, Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, pages 26/27
- Jump up^ Olivier Hekster, Emperors and Ancestors: Roman Rulers and the Constraints of Tradition. Oxford U. Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-873682-0, pages 140/142
- Jump up^ Merlin Alfred. Passion et politique chez les Césars (review of Jérôme Carcopino, Passion et politique chez les Césars). In: Journal des savants. Jan.-Mar. 1958. pp. 5–18. Available at [9]. Retrieved June 12, 2015.
- Jump up^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines : A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. London: Routledge, 2014, p. 699
- Jump up^ Cizek, « L’éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus »
- Jump up^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-74582-6, p. 102
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 289–292.
- ^ Jump up to:a b The adoptions: Anthony Birley, pp. 294–5; T.D. Barnes, ‘Hadrian and Lucius Verus’, Journal of Roman Studies (1967), Ronald Syme, Tacitus, p. 601. Antoninus as a legate of Italy: Anthony Birley, p. 199
- Jump up^ Annius Verus was also the step-grandson of the Prefect of Rome, Lucius Catilius Severus, one of the remnants of the all-powerful group of Spanish senators from Trajan’s reign. Hadrian would likely have shown some favor to the grandson in order to count on the grandfather’s support; for an account of the various familial and marital alliances involved, see Des Boscs-Plateaux, pp. 241, 311, 477, 577; see also Frank McLynn,Marcus Aurelius: A Life. New York: Da Capo, 2010, ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2, p. 84
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, pp. 291–2
- Jump up^ Dio 69.17.2
- Jump up^ Anthony Birley, p. 297
- ^ Jump up to:a b Salmon, 816
- Jump up^ Dio 70.1.1
- Jump up^ Samuel Ball Platner, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-1-108-08324-9, page 250
- Jump up^ Christian Bechtold, Gott und Gestirn als Präsenzformen des toten Kaisers: Apotheose und Katasterismos in der politischen Kommunikation der römischen Kaiserzeit und ihre Anknüpfungspunkte im Hellenismus.V&R unipress GmbH: 2011, ISBN 978-3-89971-685-6, p. 259
- Jump up^ Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 0-520-22067-6, p. 330
- Jump up^ W. Den Boer, Some Minor Roman Historians, Leiden: Brill, 1972, ISBN 90-04-03545-1, p. 41
- Jump up^ Yann Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army. London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-22295-8, p. 55
- Jump up^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1, p. 381
- Jump up^ This partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco; see Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 84 & 86.
- Jump up^ Eutropius‘ notion that Hadrian contemplated withdrawing from Dacia altogether appears to be unfounded; see Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
- Jump up^ Julian Bennett, Trajan-Optimus Priceps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-253-21435-1, p. 165
- Jump up^ Opper, Empire and Conflict, p. 67
- Jump up^ N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople. London: Routledge, 2002, p. 4
- Jump up^ Austin & Rankov, p. 30
- Jump up^ Fergus Millar, Rome, the Greek World, and the East: Volume 2: Government, Society, and Culture in the Roman Empire. The University of North Carolina Press, 2005, ISBN 0-8078-2852-1, p. 183
- Jump up^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
- Jump up^ Opper, p. 85
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 209-212
- Jump up^ Luttvak, Edward N. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, ISBN 0-8018-2158-4, p. 123
- Jump up^ Christol & Nony, p. 180
- Jump up^ The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors– Google Knihy. Books.google.cz. December 11, 2012. ISBN 978-1-78076-060-5. Retrieved 2016-09-03.
- Jump up^ Fronto: Selected Letters. Edited by Caillan Davenport & Jenifer Manley, London: AC & Black, 2014, ISBN 978-1-78093-442-6, pp. 184f
- Jump up^ Laura Jansen, The Roman Paratext: Frame, Texts, Readers, Cambridge University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-1-107-02436-6 p. 66
- Jump up^ Kathleen Kuiper (Editor), Ancient Rome: From Romulus and Remus to the Visigoth Invasion, New York: Britannica Educational Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9p. 133
- Jump up^ A. Arthur Schiller, Roman Law: Mechanisms of Development, Walter de Gruyter: 1978, ISBN 90-279-7744-5 p. 471
- ^ Jump up to:a b Salmon, 812
- Jump up^ R.V. Nind Hopkins, Life of Alexander Severus, CUP Archive, p. 110
- Jump up^ Adolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Volume 43, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968, ISBN 0-87169-435-2 p. 650
- Jump up^ Salmon, 813
- Jump up^ Garnsey, Peter, « Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire », Past & Present, No. 41 (Dec., 1968), pp. 9, 13 (note 35), 16, published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/650001 (accessed: 03-12-2017 21:20 UTC)
- Jump up^ Westermann, 109
- Jump up^ Marcel Morabito, Les realités de l’esclavage d’après Le Digeste. Paris: Presses Univ. Franche-C omté, 1981, ISBN 978-2-251-60254-7, p. 230
- Jump up^ Donald G. Kyle, Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2012, ISBN 0-415-09678-2;William Linn Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1955, p. 115
- Jump up^ Digest 48.18.21; quoted by Q.F. Robinson, Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007ISBN 978-0-415-41651-1, p.107
- Jump up^ Judith Perkins, Roman Imperial Identities in the Early Christian Era. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-39744-5
- Jump up^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 102
- Jump up^ Digest, 48.8.4.2, quoted by Paul Du Plessis, Borkowski’s Textbook on Roman Law. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-957488-9, p. 95
- Jump up^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
- Jump up^ Garzetti, p. 411
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 108f
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 107
- Jump up^ Gradel, Ittai, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-19-815275-2, pp. 194-5.
- Jump up^ Howgego, in Howgego, C., Heuchert, V., Burnett, A., (eds), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces, Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-19-926526-8, pp. 6, 10.
- Jump up^ Hadrian’s « Hellenic » emotionalism finds a culturally sympathetic echo in the Homeric Achilles’ mourning for his friend Patroclus: see discussion in Vout, Caroline, Power and eroticism in Imperial Rome, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-521-86739-8, pp. 52–135.
- Jump up^ Craig A. Williams, Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. Oxford University Press: 1999, ISBN 978-0-19-511300-6, pp. 60f
- Jump up^ Elsner, pp. 176f
- Jump up^ Williams, p. 61
- Jump up^ Jás Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford History of Art, Oxford U.P., 1998, ISBN 0-19-284201-3, p. 183f.
- Jump up^ Marco Rizzi, p. 12
- Jump up^ see Trevor W. Thompson « Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt » for the persistence of Antinous’s cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian’s accession is not entirely clear.
- Jump up^ Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, p. 89
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 127 and 183.
- Jump up^ Alessandro Galimberti, « Hadrian, Eleusis, and the beginnings of Christian apologetics » in Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pp. 77f
- Jump up^ Robert M. Haddad, The Case for Christianity: St. Justin Martyr’s Arguments for Religious Liberty and Judicial Justice. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010, ISBN 978-1-58979-575-4, p. 16
- Jump up^ It was lost in large part to despoliation by the Cardinal d’Este, who had much of the marble removed to build the Villa d’Este in the 16th century.
- Jump up^ Ilan Vit-Suzan, Architectural Heritage Revisited: A Holistic Engagement of its Tangible and Intangible Constituents . Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, ISBN 978-1-4724-2062-6, p. 20
- Jump up^ Juan Gil & Sofía Torallas Tovar, Hadrianus. Barcelona: CSIC, 2010, ISBN 978-84-00-09193-4, p. 100
- Jump up^ Direct links to Hadrian’s poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton’s translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
- Jump up^ T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, p. 591
- Jump up^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62
- Jump up^ The Historia Augusta however claims that « he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face », H.A. 26.1
- Jump up^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 578
- Jump up^ For instance, a probably bogus anecdote in Historia Augusta relates that as tribune he had lost a cloak that emperors never wore: Michael Reiche, ed., Antike Autobiographien: Werke, Epochen, Gattungen. Köln: Böhlau, 2005, ISBN 3-412-10505-8, p. 225
- Jump up^ Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Measuring Heaven: Pythagoras and His Influence on Thought and Art in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press: 2007, ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1, p. 177
- Jump up^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
- Jump up^ see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian’s « Animula, vagula, blandula … »including translations by Henry Vaughan, A. Pope, Lord Byron.
- Jump up^ A.A.Barb, « Animula, Vagula, Blandula », Folklore, 61, 1950 : « … since Casaubonalmost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem »
- Jump up^ see Note 2 in Emanuela Andreoni Fontecedro’s « Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco », Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
- Jump up^ « tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos », Historia Augusta, ibidem
- Jump up^ Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p.48
- Jump up^ Varius multiplex multiformis in the anonymous, ancient Epitome de Caesaribus, 14.6: cf Ronald Syme, among others; see Ando, footnote 172
- Jump up^ McLynn, 42
- Jump up^ « Wytse Keulen, Eloquence rules: the ambiguous image of Hadrian in Fronto’s correspondence ». [10] Retrieved February 20, 2015
- Jump up^ James Uden (2010). « The Contest of Homer and Hesiod and the ambitions of Hadrian ». Journal of Hellenic Studies, 130 (2010), pp. 121-135.[11]. Accessed October 16, 2017
- Jump up^ Paul Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain, p. 40
- Jump up^ Apud Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain, 65
- Jump up^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 1
- Jump up^ Edward Togo Salmon,A History of the Roman World from 30 B.C. to A.D. 138. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-04504-5, pp. 314f
- Jump up^ Victoria Emma Pagán, A Companion to Tacitus. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4051-9032-9, page 1
- Jump up^ Marache, R.: R. Syme, Tacitus, 1958. In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 61, 1959, n°1–2. pp. 202–206.available at [12]. Accessed April 30, 2017
- Jump up^ Steven H. Rutledge, « Writing Imperial Politics: The Social and Political Background » IN William J. Dominik, ed;, Writing Politics in Imperial Rome Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-15671-5, p.60
- Jump up^ Adam M. Kemezis, « Lucian, Fronto, and the absence of contemporary historiography under the Antonines ». The American Journal of Philology Vol. 131, No. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 285–325
- Jump up^ Paul Veyne, L’Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4, p. 312. In the French original: de l’Alexandre Dumas, du péplum et un peu d’Ubu Roi.
- Jump up^ Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2, p. 93
- Jump up^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History’, XI: the High Empire, 70–192 A.D.Cambridge University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0521263351, p. 132
- Jump up^ Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20/26
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X, p. 7
- Jump up^ Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results of Ernst Kornemann‘s attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography’s facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful.
- Jump up^ Thomas E. Jenkins, Antiquity Now: The Classical World in the Contemporary American Imagination. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0, paget121
- Jump up^ A’haron Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society.Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005, ISBN 3-16-148514-9, page 199
- Jump up^ Susanne Mortensen: Hadrian. Eine Deutungsgeschichte. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
- Jump up^ Franco Sartori, « L’oecuménisme d’un empereur souvent méconnu : [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento« . In: Dialogues d’histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297. Available at [13]. Retrieved January 19, 2017
- Jump up^ The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, page 4
References
Primary sources
Inscriptions:
Secondary sources
- Barnes, T. D. (1967). « Hadrian and Lucius Verus ». Journal of Roman Studies. 57(1/2): 65–79. doi:10.2307/299345. JSTOR 299345.
- Birley, Anthony R. (1997). Hadrian. The restless emperor. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16544-X.
- Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. (2002). Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Priceton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04889-4.
- Canto, Alicia M. (2004). « Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr. 1, 3″. Athenaeum. 92.2: 367–408. Archived from the original on October 15, 2007.
- Dobson, Brian (2000). Hadrian’s Wall. London: Penguin.
- Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, 1776. The Online Library of Liberty « Online Library of Liberty – The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1 ». Oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13.
- Lambert, Royston (1997). Beloved and God: the story of Hadrian and Antinous. London: Phoenix Giants. ISBN 1-85799-944-4.
- Speller, Elizabeth (2003). Following Hadrian: a second-century journey through the Roman Empire. London: Review. ISBN 0-7472-6662-X.
- Syme, Ronald (1997) [1958]. Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814327-3.
- Syme, Ronald (1964). « Hadrian and Italica ». Journal of Roman Studies. LIV: 142–9. doi:10.2307/298660.
- Syme, Ronald (1988). « Journeys of Hadrian » (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 73: 159–170. Retrieved 2006-12-12. Reprinted in Syme, Ronald (1991). Roman Papers VI. Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. 346–357. ISBN 0-19-814494-6.
Further reading
- Danziger, Danny; Purcell, Nicholas (2006). Hadrian’s empire : when Rome ruled the world. London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 0-340-83361-0.
- Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
- Gray, William Dodge (1919). « A Study of the life of Hadrian Prior to His Accession ». Smith College Studies in History. 4: 151–209.
- Gregorovius, Ferdinand (1898). The Emperor Hadrian: A Picture of the Greco-Roman World in His Time. Mary E. Robinson, trans. London: Macmillan.
- Henderson, Bernard W. (1923). Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen.
- Ish-Kishor, Sulamith (1935). Magnificent Hadrian: A Biography of Hadrian, Emperor of Rome. New York: Minton, Balch and Co.
- Perowne, Stewart (1960). Hadrian. London: Hodder and Stoughton.
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